2021
DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102428
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Neoliberalising the divided city

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Cited by 7 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Globally resurgent ethno-nationalisms have changed the character of urban space, producing new genres of fortification that align with trends associated with “the neoliberal city” (Desai, 2010; Véron, 2021; Yacobi, 2016). While these fortifications draw on longer-standing fears of crime and ethnic violence, they also reflect an intensified geopoliticization of the urban that downscales bordering processes from national boundaries to cities and even streets (Akar, 2018).…”
Section: The Body In Crisis the Embodiment Of The Zonementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Globally resurgent ethno-nationalisms have changed the character of urban space, producing new genres of fortification that align with trends associated with “the neoliberal city” (Desai, 2010; Véron, 2021; Yacobi, 2016). While these fortifications draw on longer-standing fears of crime and ethnic violence, they also reflect an intensified geopoliticization of the urban that downscales bordering processes from national boundaries to cities and even streets (Akar, 2018).…”
Section: The Body In Crisis the Embodiment Of The Zonementioning
confidence: 99%
“…(2017) highlight, two lines of research have emerged from this approach: the first deals with processes of militarisation and imaginaries of late‐modern and asymmetrical wars (Coaffee, 2004; Coward, 2008; Elden, 2013; Graham, 2010; Sassen, 2010; Weizman, 2007). The second focuses on contested cities, with reference to the role of planning and architecture in ethno‐national conflicts (Badescu, 2022; Fregonese, 2009; Genç, 2021; Veron, 2021). However, the relationship between cities and armed forces is not only evident in the destructive and targeting dimensions of war, but also in cities as sites of war preparation and administration in areas commonly considered ‘at peace’.…”
Section: Urban Geopolitics Military Geographies and Urban Multidimens...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this context, Goodfellow and Jackman’s concept of “co-operative empowerment” is helpful, as it relates to a situation in which those targeted are not simply bought off but they “manage to gain some increased leverage for their own agendas through this interaction” (Goodfellow and Jackman 2020, 22). The same year Skopje 2014 was presented, the Skanderbeg square project, representing Albanian nationalism, was announced, signaling a possible compromise between the coalition partners (Véron 2021). In this way, both parties exercised power not through conflict and resistance but through a co-optive and opportunistic strategy that helped implement their urban plans (Goodfellow and Jackman 2020).…”
Section: Political Strategies To Control the Capital And Urban Design...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Academic analyses of Skopje 2014 have highlighted the attempt to link the emergence of the project with geopolitical tensions over the name issue with Greece (Kolozova et al 2013; Dimova 2013). Other works approached the project from different academic angles, such as social movements (Mattioli 2014; Véron 2016; Staletović and Pollozhani 2022), neoliberalism and nation-branding (Graan 2013, 2016; Véron 2021), political mobilization and the role of the socialist heritage (Stefoska and Stojanov 2017; Janev 2017; Koteska 2011), as well as from the urban planning perspective and ethnic nationalism (Grcheva 2018; Mojanchevska 2020; Čamprag 2019). The nondemocratic background and its relations to the financial aspect of Skopje 2014 were examined by Mattioli (2018; 2020), while other scholars focused on the arbitrary urban planning processes (Blazhevski 2021; Čamprag 2019).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%