Neoliberal Multiculturalism

Hale, Charles A.

doi:10.1525/pol.2005.28.1.10

Cited by 558 publications

(78 citation statements)

References 4 publications

(1 reference statement)

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“…71 This could be taken as further evidence of a pattern Charlie Hale has found throughout Central America: that the very recognition of culturally-defined rights often deepens the hegemony of economic neoliberalism. 72 …”

Section: Lines On the Landmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cartography, territory, property: postcolonial reflections on indigenous counter-mapping in Nicaragua and Belize

Wainwright

Bryan

2009

cultural geographies

290

149

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The attention given to indigenous peoples' use of maps to make claims to land and rights of self-government raises the question: what exactly it is that these maps do? This paper outlines an analytic for examining indigenous mapping projects, drawing upon two prominent instances -by the Maya of Belize and the Mayangna community of Awas Tingni in Nicaragua -where human rights lawsuits have been woven together with participatory mapping. In each case, map-making was intricately linked to the formulation of legal claims, resulting in a pair of muchcelebrated maps and legal precedents regarding the recognition of indigenous land rights. We argue that these strategies do not reverse colonial social relations so much as they rework them. Notwithstanding the creativity expressed through these projects, they remain oriented by the spatial configuration of modern politics: territory and property rights. This spatial configuration both accounts for and limits the power of indigenous cartography. This impasse is not a contradiction that can be resolved; rather, it constitutes an aporia for which there is no easy or clear solution. Nonetheless, it must be confronted.

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Section: Lines On the Landmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cartography, territory, property: postcolonial reflections on indigenous counter-mapping in Nicaragua and Belize

Wainwright

Bryan

2009

cultural geographies

290

149

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“…Opposition to MAS also took the form of a debate about whiteness and indigeneity, with lowland separatist movements claiming a whiter identity and rejecting -often violently -the idea of an indigenous nationstate (Busdiecker 2009;Fabricant and Gustafson 2011). Significant shifts occurred between the neoliberal multiculturalism of the 1990s, when organizations representing indigenous peoples deployed indigeneity as a rights-bearing designation in order to make claims against the state (Gustafson 2002;Hale 2005) and the election of Morales in 2006. In Bolivia, in the early 1990s, 'indigenous issues qua indigenous issues were not of interest to a wider electorate and were apparently not even particularly interesting to the vast majority of people who might be described as indigenous' (Canessa 2006, 247).…”

Section: Indigeneity and The Bolivian Nationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Mosetén Indigenous People's Organization (Organización de Pueblo Indígena Mosetén, or OPIM), founded in 1994, was one of many organizations that was formed to represent lowland indigenous peoples during this period. These organizations carried out political campaigns and marches, demanding legal 186 C. Sturtevant recognition, full citizenship, and territorial autonomy (Gustafson 2002;Hale 2005;Lehm Ardaya 1999). This network of indigenous organizations operated parallel to the agrarian union structure, emphasizing shared ethnic identity rather than economic activity.…”

Section: Contact and Hierarchy In The Mosetén Tcomentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Some Time From Now They’ll be Good Farmers’: Rethinking Perceptions of Social Evolution in an Area of Interethnic Contact in Lowland Bolivia

Sturtevant

2015

Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies

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This article discusses the terms in which ethnoracial difference is understood in a context where migrants from the highlands of Bolivia have come into contact with an indigenous group in the lowlands. Ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 found that these differences were not normally discussed in terms of inherent and unchangeable characteristics, but rather in terms of a fluid position in a hierarchy of human development. This hierarchical scale is described and enacted locally in terms of practices and social relationships. Commerce, social organization, and cultural production are indicators of a group's social progress. As groups change their practices, they change their position in the hierarchy. Further, changes in the local context are expected to encourage groups to change their practices. This contrasts with national discourses that generally focus on the opposition of white and Indian and see change in terms of race mixture -mestizaje -between these opposing designations. In these national discourses, the attributes of whiteness or indigeneity are seen to be fixed and essential characteristics, and difference is achieved through degree of biological and cultural mixture. I conclude by suggesting that each of these conceptions of social difference have historical antecedents that date back to the colonial encounter and may contribute to our understanding of present-day national politics.

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“…However, with collective solidarity gradually eroding (Evans and Sewell, ) and individuals being seen as the sole masters of their lives it seems as if the equality paradigm is now slowly being defeated by neoliberal priorities (Campbell, ). The ultimate goal of neoliberalism is to erode collective solidarity, to replace it with ‘radical individualism’ (McNeish, , p. 34) and consequently to reshape social relationships in a way that leaves people to fend for themselves (Hale, ). Inequality is inherent in neoliberalism and neoliberalism produces more inequality in society and endorses it based on the value, amongst other neoliberal values, of ‘primacy of individual need above and beyond collective and social needs and disutility of solidarity’ (Özbilgin and Slutskaya, : 320).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

International Perspectives on Securing Human and Social Rights and Diversity Gains at Work in the Aftermath of the Global Economic Crisis and in Times of Austerity

Vassilopoulou

Kyriakidou

Rocha

et al. 2018

European Management Review

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This editorial illuminates the evidence of how human and social rights and diversity gains at work are under attack in the aftermath of the global economic crisis and in times of austerity. We provide a brief overview of the six articles in this issue, which draw upon a wide range of theories and engage with different, but in many ways connected, issues pertinent to human and social right, diversity and equality in the light of the economic crisis and austerity. The editorial concludes discussing a number of dilemmas and problematic issues that remain despite the increased scholarly attention to the threat to human and social rights and diversity gains at work in current times. Lastly, we offer recommendations to how diversity advocates can develop new approaches and strategies in order to resist the current threat to the diversity agenda internationally.

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Neoliberal Multiculturalism

Cited by 558 publications

References 4 publications

Cartography, territory, property: postcolonial reflections on indigenous counter-mapping in Nicaragua and Belize

Cartography, territory, property: postcolonial reflections on indigenous counter-mapping in Nicaragua and Belize

‘Some Time From Now They’ll be Good Farmers’: Rethinking Perceptions of Social Evolution in an Area of Interethnic Contact in Lowland Bolivia

International Perspectives on Securing Human and Social Rights and Diversity Gains at Work in the Aftermath of the Global Economic Crisis and in Times of Austerity

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