NEIGHBORHOOD DISADVANTAGE AMONG RACIAL AND ETHNIC GROUPS: Residential Location in 1970 and 1980

Abstract

We compare the neighborhood characteristics of native-and foreign-born blacks, whites, Hispanics, and Asians in 1970 and 1980. We broaden the locational attainment literature by emphasizing three contrasts: between black and nonblack groups, between native black and nonblack immigrant groups, and among black groups. Consistent with previous evidence, we find a clear spatial disadvantage for black groups relative to nonblack groups, and for native blacks compared to nonblack immigrant groups, in both years. However, our study reveals a slight advantage for foreign non-Hispanic blacks (e.g., Afro-Caribbean immigrants) among the black groups througho u t the time period. Our results break new ground by extending the analysis of racial and ethnic variation in residential attainment back to 1970. providing an earlier benchmark against which current patterns of residential attainment can be compared.The United States has experienced several distinct periods of immigration throughout the twentieth century (Alba 1990;Portes and Rumbaut 1996;Waldinger 1996). From European newcomers near the beginning of the century to the current period of predominantly Asian and Latin American immigration, the United States has remained a popular destination for international migrants. Historically, newcomers to the United States have surpassed relatively quickly African Americans on most dimensions of social and economic well-being. For example, Stanley Lieberson (19S0, p. 2) summa-Direct all correspondence to Robert M. Adelman,

Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation

“…NEIGHBORHOOD CHARACTERISTICS Table 4 presents information that describes the average neighborhood characteristics of middle-class blacks and middle-class whites over time. In this table I link to research that moves beyond residential segregation, per se, and analyzes the average characteristics of the neighborhoods when comparing different groups (see, e.g., Adelman et al, 2001;Logan, 1991, 1992;Logan andAlba, 1993, 1995); however, I use aggregate-(tract-) level data as opposed to individual-level data. In other words, I ask: What are the average neighborhood characteristics of middle-class blacks and middle-class whites?…”

The Roles of Race, Class, and Residential Preferences in the Neighborhood Racial Composition of Middle‐Class Blacks and Whites*

“…The ability, or the lack thereof, of individuals and families to convert human capital characteristics such as income and education into ''good'' neighborhoods lies at the heart of the locational attainment model. One theory, the spatial assimilation perspective, posits that income, education, and occupational status (or employment generally) benefit the life chances of individuals, especially those individuals (and families) with the strongest socioeconomic attributes who are able to convert such characteristics into more attractive (i.e., stable and affluent) neighborhoods (Adelman et al, 2001;Logan, 1992, 1993;Logan and Alba, 1993;Massey, 1985;Massey and Mullan, 1984;South andCrowder, 1997, 1998). Research has generally supported this contention, but the evidence is clear that members of certain groups have divergent abilities to translate human capital resources into residential advantage (Adelman et al, 2001;Logan, 1992, 1993;Denton and Massey, 1988;Fong and Wilkes, 1999;Alba, 1993, 1995;Massey and Denton, 1993;South andCrowder, 1997, 1998).…”

“…This analysis extends the ''preferences'' debate to the literature about neighborhood attainment Logan, 1992, 1993;Freeman, 2000;Alba, 1993, 1995). This research stream has broadened the examination of residential patterns beyond segregation, per se, to examine the quality of neighborhoods in which different groups live (Adelman et al, 2001;Alba et al, 1999;Logan et al, 1996). However, because Census data are used predominantly in this literature and because the Census questionnaire does not ask about residential preferences, most of the research does not control for the residential preferences of the individuals under study.…”

Racial Residential Segregation in Urban America

“…This has changed the spatial assimilation story: now, scholars ask whether or not this hypothesis applies to Asians and Latinos. 14 In terms of residential segregation and stratification, most social scientists contend that whites are at the top of a spatial hierarchy and blacks are at the bottom, but that most Asian groups live in neighborhoods with relatively large proportions of whites and similar characteristics to them, and that most Hispanic groups live in multiethnic neighborhoods that often have similar qualities as those neighborhoods in which African Americans live (Adelman et al 2001;Iceland 2004;Iceland and Nelson 2007;Logan et al 2004;South et al 2005), although these results certainly mask great heterogeneity in the experiences of Asian and Hispanic groups (see, e.g., White et al 2003). Thus, in contrast to spatial assimilation, scholars work with the idea that there is place stratification among groups (Alba and Logan 1992;Logan and Alba 1993;Rosenbaum and Friedman 2007).…”

“…13 For cities in Canada, see Hou (2006); for a review of multiethnic cities in Canada and the USA, see Fong and Shibuya (2005). 14 As should be no surprise by now, scholars are in general agreement that this hypothesis does not apply to African Americans nor to those persons with African heritage generally (see, e.g., Adelman et al 2001;Crowder 1999;Freeman 1999Freeman , 2002. 15 For a fuller discussion of these points see Fong and Shibuya (2005); see also Iceland (2004); Iceland and Nelson (2007); Logan et al (2004);Fischer et al (2004).…”