Abstract:We develop a dynamic bargaining model in which a leading country endogenously decides whether to sequentially negotiate free trade agreements with subsets of countries or engage in simultaneous multilateral bargaining with all countries at once. We show how the structure of coalition externalities shapes the choice between sequential and multilateral bargaining, and we identify circumstances in which the grand coalition is the equilibrium outcome, leading to worldwide free trade. A model of international trade… Show more
“…The debate about the e¤ect of PTAs on the trade system centers around the terms 1 As of 15 June 2014, 585 noti…cations of PTAs (counting goods and services separately) had been received by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Of these noti…cations, 379 PTAs are already in force with others scheduled for implementation in the near future.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Of the three approaches, preferential trade liberalization gained the most popularity in recent years, with the number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) increased four-fold since completion of the Uruguay round of WTO negotiations in 1994. 1 In contrast, the last round of the multilateral trade talks -the Doha Roundhave failed to come to a fruitful conclusion despite thirteen years of intense negotiations.…”
In this paper we analyze the e¤ect of the freedom to pursue preferential trade liberalization, permitted by Article XXIV of the GATT, on country's incentives to participate in multilateral negotiations and on the feasibility of the global free trade. We present a model in which countries choose whether to participate in preferential or multilateral trade agreements under political pressures from domestic special interest groups. We show that heterogeneity in political preferences across countries plays an important role for the relative merits of preferential and multilateral approaches to trade liberalization. On one hand, the opportunity to liberalize preferentially may be necessary to induce countries with strong political motivations to participate in multilateral free trade negotiations. On the other hand, when countries share similar political preferences, multilateral free trade that would have been politically supported otherwise becomes unattainable if countries can pursue preferential liberalization.JEL codes: F12, F13, C72.
“…The debate about the e¤ect of PTAs on the trade system centers around the terms 1 As of 15 June 2014, 585 noti…cations of PTAs (counting goods and services separately) had been received by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Of these noti…cations, 379 PTAs are already in force with others scheduled for implementation in the near future.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Of the three approaches, preferential trade liberalization gained the most popularity in recent years, with the number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) increased four-fold since completion of the Uruguay round of WTO negotiations in 1994. 1 In contrast, the last round of the multilateral trade talks -the Doha Roundhave failed to come to a fruitful conclusion despite thirteen years of intense negotiations.…”
In this paper we analyze the e¤ect of the freedom to pursue preferential trade liberalization, permitted by Article XXIV of the GATT, on country's incentives to participate in multilateral negotiations and on the feasibility of the global free trade. We present a model in which countries choose whether to participate in preferential or multilateral trade agreements under political pressures from domestic special interest groups. We show that heterogeneity in political preferences across countries plays an important role for the relative merits of preferential and multilateral approaches to trade liberalization. On one hand, the opportunity to liberalize preferentially may be necessary to induce countries with strong political motivations to participate in multilateral free trade negotiations. On the other hand, when countries share similar political preferences, multilateral free trade that would have been politically supported otherwise becomes unattainable if countries can pursue preferential liberalization.JEL codes: F12, F13, C72.
“…Note that Article XXIV is not the main focus of Bagwell and Staiger's analysis and they do not actually study equilibrium under its conditions. 8 The literature on the dynamics of trade liberalization examines the possibility that trade agreements give way to world free trade at a later stage; see Riezman (1999), Aghion et al (2007), Seidmann (2009) and Saggi et al (2010) for recent contributions. Building on Baldwin (1996), Krishna (1998) shows how political interests can undermine the progression from regionalism.…”
The GATT/WTO Article XXIV prevents a customs union (CU) from raising its common external tariff. In this paper, we compare CU formation with and without this Article XXIV constraint. We show, in a multi-country oligopoly model, that for a given CU structure, Article XXIV improves world welfare by lowering trade barriers.However, we also show that Article XXIV has a composition effect on CU formation: it affects the endogenous choice of CUs. By encouraging more symmetric CUs, Article XXIV causes more trade to be subject to trade barriers. As a result, Article XXIV may be 'bad' for world welfare.
“…Harstad (2007) actually addresses the trade-off between strategic delay in the process of political centralization and the cost of policy uniformity using a similar signaling mechanism to the one below, albeit within a two-region framework, which implies that he does not consider the possibility of endogenous enlargement. Aghion et al (2007) employ an analogous dynamic bargaining framework in the context of international free trade agreements to model the choice of a 'leading country' between sequential and multilateral negotiations and how it depends on the structure of trade and protection. Finally, the idea of gradual and partial coalition-formation in international cooperation is also characteristic of Bordignon and Brusco's (2006) paper on the efficiency and distributional effects of subunion formation within the context of a policy centralization game with shifting 'gains from trade'.…”
This paper introduces a new theoretical framework of international unions qua coalitions of countries adopting a common policy and common supranational institutions. I make use of a three-country spatial bargaining game of coalition formation, in order to examine the endogenous strategic considerations in the creation and enlargement of international unions. Why would we observe a gradualist approach in the formation of the grand coalition even if the latter is assumed to be weakly efficient? I propose asymmetric information about the benefits of integration as a mechanism that can generate gradual union formation in equilibrium. As it turns out, it may well be in the 'core' countries' interest to delay the accession of a third, 'peripheral' country in order to (1) stack the institutional make-up of the initial union in their favor and (2) signal their high resolve to wait out the expansion of their bilateral subunion. A related case from the European experience provides an interesting illustration.
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