NATO vs. SCO: A Comparative Study of Outside Powers’ Military Presence in Central Asia and the Gulf

Sun, Degang; Elmahly, Hend

doi:10.1080/25765949.2018.1562594

Cited by 4 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…51 The following year the United States invited Uzbekistan to sign the Strategic Cooperation Partnership Agreement that focused on security issues. 52 The US Air Force established bases at Uzbekistan's Khanabad airfield, followed by another at Kyrgyzstan's Manas international airport. 53 The presence of US troops in Central Asia was perceived as a security threat by Russia and China, which led them to use the SCO to press for withdrawal of US troops from the region.…”

Section: Energy Cooperationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf

Sahakyan¹

2023

SSRN Journal

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Section: Energy Cooperationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf

Sahakyan¹

2023

SSRN Journal

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“…It did so in agreement with China, articulating the EAEU with the BRI and strengthening the SCO. Today, the SCO is seen in the geopolitical West as a political association that opposes NATO in Eurasia-or "rogue" NATO (Aydintaşbaş et al, 2022), and even compares the relative military presence in key regions of the great continent (Sun and Elmahly, 2019). Since 2015, India, Pakistan and…”

Section: Department Of State (mentioning

confidence: 99%

Hybrid World War and the United States–China rivalry

Merino

2023

Front. Polit. Sci.

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The proposal of the article is to advance on the concept of Hybrid World War and to relate it to the conflict between the United States and China in the present historical-spatial transition of the world system. The concept of Hybrid World War is developed in contrast to that of the New Cold War, and in relation to the characteristics acquired by the world capitalist system from 1970 to 1980 as a transnational system of production, trade, and finance, the dynamics of strategic competition in the crisis of the unipolar globalist order, and the characteristics of the rise of China and its significance, different from that of the USSR. From this conceptual framework, the United States-China rivalry is observed, analyzing: the systemic tension between unipolarism and multipolarism, the central dispute in Asia Pacific, and the development of a war on all fronts or unrestricted.

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Rethinking the Implications of NATO’s Afghanistan Operation and Its Partnership for Peace in Central Asia: Is It the End of NATO’s Presence in Central Asia?

BAĞBAŞLIOĞLU

2024

Bilig

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NATO’s partnership policy, including its Partnership for Peace (PfP) program, which aims to develop cooperation and dialogue with non-NATO countries, represents the first steps for an essentially Euro-Atlantic alliance to establish an institutional relationship with Central Asian states. The war on terror discourse after the September 11 attacks, the US intervention in Afghanistan in 2001, and NATO’s takeover of the ISAF mission in 2003 made it easier for NATO to establish institutional relations with Central Asian states. This study first discusses the effects of the end of the Afghanistan operation on NATO’s approach towards Central Asia in light of current developments, such as the Russia-Ukraine war and NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept. It then explains why the PfP program did not produce the desired results in developing relations with Central Asian states.

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NATO vs. SCO: A Comparative Study of Outside Powers’ Military Presence in Central Asia and the Gulf

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf

The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf

Hybrid World War and the United States–China rivalry

Rethinking the Implications of NATO’s Afghanistan Operation and Its Partnership for Peace in Central Asia: Is It the End of NATO’s Presence in Central Asia?

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