“…The co‐existence and variation in the weighting of ‘factors pushing and pulling’ social movements has also been noted by Stuart Kaufman in his work on ethnic mobilisation (, 11). In order to explain ethnic mobilisation in conflict situations, Kaufman has suggested a symbolic theory of politics, based on a recognition thatdifferent people react to similar circumstances based on their biases, prejudices, values, and ideology – their symbolic predispositions.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 70%
“…In explaining political conflict, the key emotions are fears – more precisely, feelings of threat either to physical security or to status, identity, or economic prospects. (, 12)…”
The case of the disputed Southern Kuril Islands/Northern Territories is used to introduce the term 'hyper-border' in order to examine the instrumental and pragmatic nature of identity. It seeks to capture how, on one of Russia's most isolated borders, the quotidian realities and challenges of life 'beyond' the state had profound implications for how discourses around state, nation, sovereignty and identity are conceived. During the 1990s these islands became a site neither fully within, nor without the state. As the functions of the Russian state diminished and the border with Japan dematerialised, it was the Japanese state that came to provide welfare, infrastructure and economic opportunities for the islanders. This paper attempts to capture how the identity of islanders became articulated not on ethnic, religious or linguistic grounds, but on a purely pragmatic desire for a better life. Among some Kuril islanders an alternative vision of belonging was formulated, which sought to take them beyond the nation and into the state. This paper also traces the counter-function of the hyper-border and how an immense material and discursive response to these circumstances by the Russian state led to the recovery of the meaning of these distant islands. On a site between sovereignty regimes, this idea of the hyper-border attempts to capture how the fluctuating political authority of the state can render identity as contingent, malleable and instrumental.
“…The co‐existence and variation in the weighting of ‘factors pushing and pulling’ social movements has also been noted by Stuart Kaufman in his work on ethnic mobilisation (, 11). In order to explain ethnic mobilisation in conflict situations, Kaufman has suggested a symbolic theory of politics, based on a recognition thatdifferent people react to similar circumstances based on their biases, prejudices, values, and ideology – their symbolic predispositions.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 70%
“…In explaining political conflict, the key emotions are fears – more precisely, feelings of threat either to physical security or to status, identity, or economic prospects. (, 12)…”
The case of the disputed Southern Kuril Islands/Northern Territories is used to introduce the term 'hyper-border' in order to examine the instrumental and pragmatic nature of identity. It seeks to capture how, on one of Russia's most isolated borders, the quotidian realities and challenges of life 'beyond' the state had profound implications for how discourses around state, nation, sovereignty and identity are conceived. During the 1990s these islands became a site neither fully within, nor without the state. As the functions of the Russian state diminished and the border with Japan dematerialised, it was the Japanese state that came to provide welfare, infrastructure and economic opportunities for the islanders. This paper attempts to capture how the identity of islanders became articulated not on ethnic, religious or linguistic grounds, but on a purely pragmatic desire for a better life. Among some Kuril islanders an alternative vision of belonging was formulated, which sought to take them beyond the nation and into the state. This paper also traces the counter-function of the hyper-border and how an immense material and discursive response to these circumstances by the Russian state led to the recovery of the meaning of these distant islands. On a site between sovereignty regimes, this idea of the hyper-border attempts to capture how the fluctuating political authority of the state can render identity as contingent, malleable and instrumental.
“…Gaertner and Dovidio emphasise the latter approach, what they call the ‘common in‐group identity model’, as the more effective approach when feasible. A well‐known case in which this approach proved effective is Tanzania, where Julius Nyerere's vigourous programme of constructing a common national identity for the more than 100 ethnic groups in his country succeeded to the point that almost all Tanzanians now consider their Tanzanian identity more important than their ethnic one (Kaufman : 221).…”
Section: Connor and The Psychologistsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While there have been a few attempts to theorise on nationalism using his insights, notably those of Petersen (but cf. Kaufman ), the task for coming years will be to find room for the insights of political psychology in future scholarship on ethnicity and nationalism.…”
Section: Influence Of Connor's Psychological Nationalist Theorymentioning
In a 2002 overview, Daniele Conversi rightly highlights ‘Nationalism as an emotional bond’ as a central theme in Walker Connor's works. Nearly half a century on from Connor's initial assertions, the discipline of psychology has made important strides in understanding the social‐psychological dynamics that influence nationalist feelings. Building on this base of psychological evidence, this essay asks two questions. First, to what degree are Connor's claims supported by or compatible with what psychologists now know? Second, to the extent that Connor's arguments are correct, to what degree have scholarly understandings of nationalist politics recognised the implications of Connor's insights? I conclude that Connor's insights stand up remarkably well, but few have picked up on them, to the lasting detriment of our field of study.
“…We refer here to his articulation of the relationship between social and psychological factors behind mobilization (discourse construction and what discourse plays upon, such as fears), and his reference to the contextual elements that opportunities scholars prioritize, such as the space for violence within a specific state.25 It should be noted that in his latest workKaufman (2015) approaches "ethnicity" via more reflexive means.…”
What does causation mean in conflict studies? Using a sample of published qualitative, article-length studies on the Rwandan and Yugoslav wars, we find a lack of reflexivity over causal claims in scholarship on conflict. Causal language is not as pervasive as expected, asserted cause-effect relationships are rarely fully explicated, and scholars under-explore their causal assumptions. Considering that ideas on causation necessarily condition explanations of conflict, including "ethnic" conflict, this is a major research issue. While there exists a lively debate between different causal narratives regarding the onset of conflict-with studies alternatively stressing "attitudes," "conditions," or both-it stops short of addressing issues at the deeper level of causal understandings. For the most part, studies subscribe to the search for empirical generalization, thus limiting attendant debates to a single model of causation. These findings indicate that conflict studies literature would benefit from greater reflexivity and pluralism with regards to causation, and paying more attention to philosophical debates on the subject. We provide a basic outline of this reflexive agenda.
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