Nationalism, state formation and the public sphere: Eritrea 1991–96

Abstract

This article attempts to situate the transition to statehood in Eritrea in the context of its time, culture, and political history. It argues that the transition is profoundly shaped by the international conjuncture within which it unfolds, as well as by the social and political experiences of the nationalist movements. The economic, social, and political aspects of the transition are highlighted with a view to illuminating their overall trajectory and complex dynamics. The establishment of national sovereignty, it is argued, does not entail some unproblematic process of national integration, but only creates a nationally defined public space through which the multi‐faceted issues of post‐independence Eritrea will be contested. State formation is therefore understood as a continuation of the nation‐making process which cannot be reified as a finished project. The article concludes by examining the contradictory but pregnant possibilities for establishing a democratic political and social order.

Imagining Emigration: Debating National Duty in Eritrean Classrooms

“…Eritrea immediately engaged in a cultural project aimed at producing social cohesion and loyalty to the nation, although it quickly became apparent that this was a top-down nation-building project, which tolerated little to no debate over state policies (Connell 1997;Makki 1996). At the core of this project was the ideal of economic self-reliance, which eschewed foreign involvement of all kinds and led to a completely government-controlled economy (Hepner 2009;Kibreab 2009a).…”

“…In fact, not only was the Eritrean diaspora essential for supporting both Eritrea's war for independence and the border war, but since independence the government has become increasingly dependent on the diaspora as a source of capital (Al-Ali, Black, and Koser 2001;Bernal 2004Bernal , 2005Hepner 2008Hepner , 2009Makki 1996). Members of the diaspora have been strongly encouraged to send voluntary contributions in times of hardship (Hepner 2009).…”

Forced labour in Eritrea

“…In the defence minister's words, '' One of the pillars upon which the very existence of this country stands, is the NS '' (Ephrem 1995). 9 As Fouad Makki (1996) observes, ' The overriding emphasis in the process of state formation in Eritrea has correspondingly been on nationalism as an integrative force, and the assertion of the primacy of '' national '' loyalties over '' primordial'' affiliations deemed divisive or prejudicial to the '' national interest ''.' 'Nationalism', he said, ' is not a matter of automatic phenomenon [that occurs naturally] but one that needs to be deliberately nurtured [fostered] ' (ibid.).…”

“…Sawa is, therefore, ‘the school of the nation’, where Eritrean nationalism is re-produced, nurtured and inculcated in the hundreds of thousands of draftees 9 . As Fouad Makki (1996) observes, ‘The overriding emphasis in the process of state formation in Eritrea has correspondingly been on nationalism as an integrative force, and the assertion of the primacy of “national” loyalties over “primordial” affiliations deemed divisive or prejudicial to the “national interest”.’ According to the defence minister (Ephrem 1995), Sawa enables youngsters who come from different corners of the country to know each other and to live in harmony. This ‘helps in getting rid of feelings of suspicion … caused by lack of interaction, and in creating instead a new dynamic Eritrean generation’.…”

Bare life and the developmental state: implications of the militarisation of higher education in Eritrea

“…The advent of independent statehood in 1993 did not mark a break with those dynamics. On the surface, and comparable to other settings where liberation movements have come to power, the ‘promise of development’ was deployed as ‘legitimising strategy for the state’ (Makki 1996: 491) by the EPLF, renamed the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) in 1994. At the same time, PFDJ state capture meant that the internal workings of the post-independence state continued to reflect many of the structures of control that were put in place during the liberation struggle.…”