National Security and United States Policy Toward Latin America

Schoultz, Lars

doi:10.1515/9781400858491

Cited by 78 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…Le parole del segretario McNamara riflettono la politica generale di Kennedy riguardo il problema dell'instabilità politica in America Latina. Come afferma lo studioso americano Lars Schoultz, gli Stati Uniti hanno sempre individuato le cause di tale instabilità nei due poli del comunismo e della povertà [Schoultz 1987]. Nel tentativo di costruire un'azione congiunta in grado di rimuovere alla radice le cause della sovversione, la presidenza Kennedy diede avvio a una serie di iniziative -Alleanza per il Progresso, Civic Action, politica di aiuti economici ai paesi in via di sviluppo -volti ad affiancare una politica di sviluppo economico-sociale alla repressione militare dei movimenti insurrezionali.…”

Section: La Doctrina De La Seguridad Nacional: Tra Tradizione Locale unclassified

Da Algeri a Santiago del Cile. Circolazione delle idee e controrivoluzione nello spazio Atlantico

Giancola¹

2014

Storicamente

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Il saggio analizza la circolazione delle idee in materia di "guerra irregolare" tra Francia, Stati Uniti e Cile dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale. Il contesto internazionale della guerra fredda è caratterizzato dall'emergere della guerra irregolare come paradigma dei conflitti moderni. L'impiego di tecniche eterodosse da parte dei movimenti di guerriglia provoca il disorientamento degli eserciti professionali, inducendoli alla ricerca di soluzioni in grado di stabilizzare la situazione. Più che dimostrare le origini di ciascuna dottrina, il saggio analizza la loro derivazione da un complesso circuito di sistematizzazione teorica, risultante da una tensione continua tra elaborazione locale e circolazione globale. La presenza di elementi comuni in diversi contesti nazionali, malgrado l'assenza di una comprovata volontà di collaborazione ufficiale tra paesi, mostra la capacità di circolazione delle idee attraverso canali diversi da quelli istituzionali. L'obiettivo di questo studio è di analizzare le dinamiche di tale circolazione nell'ambito della contro-rivoluzione e di considerare il ruolo delle reti sociali nei processi di comunicazione. This essay focuses on the circulation of ideas on 'irregular warfare' matters between France, the United States and Chile, after World War II. The international environment of the Cold War is characterized by the emergence of irregular warfare as the paradigm of modern conflicts. The employment of heterodox techniques of guerrilla provokes the disorientation of professional armies, who start looking for measures to stabilize the situation. More than showing the origins of each doctrine, our aim is to discuss the fact that these doctrines are the product of a complex process of theoretical analysis resulting from a tension between local elaboration and global circulation. The fact that common elements can be found in different national contexts despite the inexistence of any formal collaboration between countries, demonstrates that ideas can circulate through non-institutional channels. In the light of this, the objective of this study is to evaluate the dynamics of such circulation in the field of counterrevolution, and to look at the networks underlying this process of communication. Da Algeri a Santiago del Cile. Circolazione delle idee e controrivoluzione nello spazio Atlantico Mirko GiAnColA Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) 1 Una lotta violenta tra attori statali e non statali per la legittimazione e l'influenza sulla popolazione(i) interessata(e). La guerra irregolare predilige un approccio indiretto e asimmetrico, anche se può utilizzare l'intera gamma delle risorse militari e non, al fine di erodere il potere, l'influenza, e la volontà di un avversario: Joint Chief of Staff,

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Section: La Doctrina De La Seguridad Nacional: Tra Tradizione Locale unclassified

Da Algeri a Santiago del Cile. Circolazione delle idee e controrivoluzione nello spazio Atlantico

Giancola¹

2014

Storicamente

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“…This Mexican political conflict poses a problem for U.S. officials. Historically, politics in Latin America over issues framed by the left is perceived in the United States as &dquo;instability,&dquo; manipulated by international communism (Schoultz, 1987;Blachman, Leogrande, and Sharpe, 1986: 333-335). Even with that latter possibility considerably diminished, the specter of left-generated disorder will likely be interpreted as extremely threatening, especially in view of the increasing economic interdependence between Mexico and the United States, heightened now by the role of oil.…”

Section: The Politics Of Implementationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sustainable Development in Mexico?

Goldrich¹,

Carruthers²

1992

Latin American Perspectives

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Mexico holds the potential for a disastrous confrontation or a constructive breakthrough regarding sustainable development. The world's wealthy countries have been largely able to insulate themselves from the costs of the social and ecological deterioration that characterizes the world's poor countries.The Mexico-United States case is a critical one because the 2,000-mile border makes cost-sharing inescapable.Given its revolutionary nationalist history, the Mexican case is also a globally significant test of the capacity of a poor country to negotiate its integration into the world economy. In a now-familiar but still dramatic display of Mexico's commitment to its new international role as the &dquo;model debtor,&dquo; recent administrations have sharply renounced economic nationalism in favor of the lean, export-led economy promulgated by northern governments and financial institutions.' Mexico's deepening integration into the world economy is thus proceeding precisely along the lines dictated by the managers of neoliberalism, and Mexican officials have been willing to sacrifice autonomy in negotiating the terms and conditions of economic apertura. Structural adjustment, austerity, and, increasingly, repression are the prices Mexicans pay for their leaders' commitments to meeting international obligations, obtaining financial concessions, and attracting new investment capital. This is a path inimical to sustainable development. It heralds heightened exploitation not only of rural and urban labor but also of an already severely degraded natural-resource base. Precisely when environmental (and social) protection is needed most, neoliberal priorities demand a reduction of taxes, regulations, and labor organizations, sharp cuts in social expenditures, and a dismantling of strategic state institutions. In contrast, sustainable develop-Daniel Goldrich is a professor of political science at the University of Oregon working on the politics of sustainable development in the Americas. David Carruthers is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of Oregon studying the political economy of environment and development. The authors thank Daniel Faber and David Barkin for their critical support and other reviewers for their commentary.

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“…During the cold war the US intervened in more states in Latin America than in any other continent, with US‐sponsored counter‐insurgency (CI) the primary means of US coercive statecraft (Schoultz 1998). US planners argued that CI support for allied states was designed to contain the influence of the Soviet Union through the destruction of left‐wing armed insurgencies that were portrayed as externally‐sponsored instances of Soviet expansionism.…”

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‘Iron Fists in Iron Gloves’: The Political Economy of US Terrorocracy Promotion in Colombia

Stokes¹

2006

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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Most analysts of US post-cold war policy in Colombia argue that the US has switched from targeting Communist guerrillas to a war on drugs and a new war on terror. Contrary to these claims this article shows that the US continues to back Colombian counter-insurgency efforts which essentially amount to a strategy of state terrorism under a democratic façade (terrorocracy). Moreover, this policy continues to be pursued because the US has long employed counter-insurgency warfare to stabilise social formations conducive to US political and economic interests. In short, counterinsurgency warfare is the military strategy par excellence for the policing and reproduction of global capitalism via localised proxy forces throughout the third world. In Colombia this strategy continues to have profound consequences for human rights, social justice and democracy.During the cold war the US intervened in more states in Latin America than in any other continent, with US-sponsored counter-insurgency (CI) the primary means of US coercive statecraft (Schoultz 1998). US planners argued that CI support for allied states was designed to contain the influence of the Soviet Union through the destruction of left-wing armed insurgencies that were portrayed as externally-sponsored instances of Soviet expansionism. Throughout this period Colombia remained one of the largest recipients of US CI funding and training which was designed to destroy the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), an indigenous insurgency movement in Colombia. The FARC were portrayed as Soviet-backed guerrillas, and as a threat to the pro-US Colombian state. During these years of support the Colombian military carried out widespread human rights abuses. Although these abuses were not publicly approved, they were considered a necessary evil required to prevent the alleged devastating consequences to US security should a potentially pro-Soviet state come to power in Latin America (Haig 1984). George Kennan, the architect of the US' cold war grand strategy of containment, captured the logic well when he argued that in dealing with communism in Latin America the final answer 'may be an unpleasant one' but the US 'should not hesitate before police repression by the local government'. Kennan considered this repression not only to be strategically necessary but also to be ethically correct, as 'the Communists are essentially traitors'. He continued that it 'is better to have a strong regime in power than a liberal government if it is indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by Communists' (Kennan, quoted in Schmitz 1999). Importantly, with the end of the cold war the US has not only continued to fund and train the Colombian military for its fight against the FARC, but has escalated

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National Security and United States Policy Toward Latin America

Cited by 78 publications

References 0 publications

Da Algeri a Santiago del Cile. Circolazione delle idee e controrivoluzione nello spazio Atlantico

Da Algeri a Santiago del Cile. Circolazione delle idee e controrivoluzione nello spazio Atlantico

Sustainable Development in Mexico?

‘Iron Fists in Iron Gloves’: The Political Economy of US Terrorocracy Promotion in Colombia

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