National Parliamentary Control of European Union Affairs: A Cross-national and Longitudinal Comparison

Winzen, Thomas

doi:10.1080/01402382.2012.665745

Cited by 169 publications

(173 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Kiewiet and McCubbins (1991: 239-40) define an agency relationship as 'established when an agent has delegated … the authority to take action on behalf of … the principal'. Applied to national parliaments, the underlying assumption is that they (or more specifically the governing parties) delegate authority in EU affairs to their agent -the government -and can then employ various means of control to prevent agency loss (see also Winzen 2012). The concept of ownership, however, goes beyond the prevention of agency loss and takes into account that parliaments are also agents of their citizens.…”

Section: Delegation and Ownership In Times Of Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

National Parliaments and the Eurozone Crisis: Taking Ownership in Difficult Times?

Auel¹,

Höing²

2015

West European Politics

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The eurozone crisis suggests a significant reinforcement of the executive dominance in EU policy-making. Opaque emergency decisions taken at European summits as well as treaties established outside of the EU legal framework facilitate the side-lining of democratically elected chambers. This development entails the risk of a new wave of deparliamentarisation in EU policy-making. An effective scrutiny of the crisis management by national parliaments is, however, indispensable to take national ownership of the reforms in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). This paper therefore investigates national parliaments' involvement in the development of instruments to combat the crisis. Based on a quantitative data set of crisis-related parliamentary activities in 2010-2012, we observe a very uneven engagement in the scrutiny of the crisis management. Institutional prerogatives in EU affairs as well as macro-economic factors can partly explain the observed variation. Surprisingly, however, crisis-related parliamentary activity is not a reaction to Eurosceptic attitudes either in parliament or the public.

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Section: Delegation and Ownership In Times Of Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

National Parliaments and the Eurozone Crisis: Taking Ownership in Difficult Times?

Auel¹,

Höing²

2015

West European Politics

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“…This allows all parliaments to be analysed with a single dictionary of keywords in English instead of multiple dictionaries, which avoids potential validity issues. Furthermore, the national parliaments in Ireland and the UK rank close together roughly in the middle of all other parliaments with regard to their role in EU affairs, such as controlling their governments in EU affairs (Auel, Rozenberg, & Tacea, 2015;Karlas, 2012;Winzen, 2012) or being involved in the transposition of EU directives (Sprungk, 2013). Although there is no such data at the regional level, the selection of regional parliaments from the same member state to some extent controls for possible variation in their role.…”

Section: Case Selection Data and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Strategic communication of EU affairs: an analysis of legislative behaviour on Twitter

Umit¹

2017

The Journal of Legislative Studies

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An influential literature underlines how much parliamentary communication of European Union (EU) affairs could offer to democracy in the EU. Yet members of parliaments (MPs) seem unmoved by their potential. MPs are strategic about their communication, and this study questions the suitability of EU affairs to their re-election strategies. Analysing the messages posted on Twitter by regional and national MPs from Ireland and the United Kingdom over a fourmonth period, this article shows that clear electoral safety and strong political responsibility increase the communication of EU affairs. This suggests that the low electoral benefits and the high political complexity of EU affairs are significant deterrents to parliamentary communication of these affairs. As a result, the voices of Eurosceptic MPs echo disproportionately louder on Twitter.

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“…Scholars have analysed national parliaments' activities, institutional strength, institutional adaptation, resources and performance (for recent contributions, see e.g. Cooper, 2012;Raunio, 2011;Winzen, 2012;, Auel & Christiansen, 2015Bellamy & Kröger, 2016;Sprungk, 2016). By contrast, academics have REGIONAL PARLIAMENTS IN THE EU MULTILEVEL PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM 4 largely ignored the topic of regional parliaments, except for single country-studies (Abels, 2013, Carter & McLeod, 2005 and some pioneering comparative work (BoronskaHryniewiecka, 2013b; Abels & Eppler, 2015).…”

Section: )mentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional parliaments in the EU multilevel parliamentary system

Bursens

Högenauer

2017

The Journal of Legislative Studies

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European integration has created a multilevel political system that is dominated by executive actors. Despite the increasing competences of the European Parliament, a growing EU-awareness of national assemblies and an emerging attention of regional parliaments for EU affairs, the EU polity still lacks a sound parliamentary representation. As the EU presents itself as a representative democracy, the current set-

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National Parliamentary Control of European Union Affairs: A Cross-national and Longitudinal Comparison

Cited by 169 publications

References 27 publications

National Parliaments and the Eurozone Crisis: Taking Ownership in Difficult Times?

National Parliaments and the Eurozone Crisis: Taking Ownership in Difficult Times?

Strategic communication of EU affairs: an analysis of legislative behaviour on Twitter

Regional parliaments in the EU multilevel parliamentary system

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