Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Russia: What Kind of Nationalism is Produced by the Kremlin?

Panov, Petr

doi:10.1016/j.euras.2010.04.001

Cited by 20 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 11 publications

(4 reference statements)

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“…One possible explanation for high levels of ethnic prejudice in Russia is the appeal of securing the in-group privileges under conditions of a crisis of national identity and erosion of social and institutional trust (Gudkov, 2005; Malinova, 2010). Although the most difficult times for the new Russian state, the 1990s, have already past, nation-building is a slow process and experts agree that it is a work in progress (Kara-Murza, 2011; Panov, 2010). Consistent with this view, Laruelle (2009) noted that public discourse on migration rarely appealed to universalistic principles of equality, instead focusing on the asymmetric host/owner ( ‘ khozyain ’) versus guest ( ‘ gost ’) dichotomy that presupposes exclusive rights of the former.…”

Section: Attitudes Toward Immigrants In Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

The three facets of national identity: Identity dynamics and attitudes toward immigrants in Russia

Grigoryan¹,

Ponizovskiy²

2018

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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This study contributes to the discussion on individual-level determinants of anti-immigrant prejudice by applying a multi-dimensional model of manifestations of national identity in Russia. This context is particularly interesting as anti-immigrant sentiments are widespread across all social strata and thus, socioeconomic indicators and political views are weak predictors of such sentiments. We use cross-sectional data from 1995, 2003, and 2013 ISSP National Identity module to assess the dynamics of three facets of national identity in Russia, namely nationalism, political patriotism, and cultural patriotism, and their relations with attitudes toward immigrants. We find nationalism, political patriotism, and anti-immigrant attitudes to increase over time. More importantly, our findings support the theoretical distinction between the facets of national identity: nationalism is linked to anti-immigrant attitudes, political patriotism is linked to more positive attitudes, and cultural patriotism is largely unrelated to attitudes toward immigrants. We show that these facets of national identity have much higher predictive power than sociodemographic indicators or political views. Our findings underscore the utility of a nuanced assessment of national identity in explaining attitudes toward immigrants in non-Western contexts.

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Section: Attitudes Toward Immigrants In Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

The three facets of national identity: Identity dynamics and attitudes toward immigrants in Russia

Grigoryan¹,

Ponizovskiy²

2018

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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“…Similarly, the domestic oversupply of civilizational nationalism was increasingly observable even in official documents. For instance, the dominant features of Russianness in Kremlin discourse became the ‘commitment to … Russian culture: language, history, values of statehood and patriotism, the idea of the strong and great Russia, uniqueness of the Russian civilization’ (Panov, 2010).…”

Section: Status Immobility and Russia's Foreign Policy After Color Rementioning

confidence: 99%

From status inconsistency to revisionism: Russian foreign policy after color revolutions

Mazloomi

Yeoh

Karim

2018

Japanese Journal of Political Science

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This paper delves into the shifts in the foreign policy of Russia, considering what has determined Russia's grand strategy orientation after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It also attempts to offer an explanation of why Russia becomes discounted with the ‘constitutive and normative structure’, and how its foreign policy shifted toward the anti-status quo orientation, especially after the color revolutions. The main purpose of this paper is to explain the shift in Russia's foreign policy, from the search for the ‘greatpowerness’ status via different enhancement strategies in light of status quo in the ‘revolutionary decade’, to revisionism after the color revolutions in Commonwealth of Independent States region (2003–2005). To substantiate this, the study uses process-tracing and document analysis to show the changes in Russia's foreign policy. As demonstrated in this paper, power rendered is unable of directing or disinclined to direct its policies toward status quo, due to internal effects of perceived ‘status immobility’ resulting from the failure of several status enhancement strategies. Accordingly, the shift in Russia's foreign policy was a result of changing the Russian perception from status inconsistency to status immobility.

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“…That is to say, the understanding of initial presuppositions of identity is based on the apprehension of citizenship as an inborn or acquired status. The researches underline that it's important to define which approach (ethic or civil) lies at the root of the national policy and discourse of "state construction" (Panov, 2010). Apparently, the government of a multinational country can't rely on ethnic base of identity; it could possibly be based on the state symbolsconstitution, flag, hymn, oath of allegiance, etc.…”

Section: Subjectmentioning

confidence: 99%

Competing for a Citizen: “Visible” and “Invisible” Forms of State Identity in Russia

Sanina

2012

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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This paper is dedicated to the characteristics of phenomenon of state identity in the modern Russian society which has been affected for last 20 years by the processes of virtualization, informatization and political transformation. Today, the Russian Federation, like any other state in the world, is closely connected to non-local events and ideas; the “title nation” and “strong state” ideas are routinely confronted by challenges from multiple agents including immigrants, the mass media and especially the Internet. In the present study, empirical findings from several studies developed with methods of visual sociology, expert interviews and public opinion research are used to understand how people in Russia tend to realize their desire to be the unit of the state forming so-called “invisible” state identity, which is not absolutely loyal to the government institutions and is very stable. This type of identity has been formed under alternative institutional logic which isn't preordained by acting of the state but is shaped as well by cultural, social, and cognitive processes in “real”, but especially in “virtual” spaces of communication. And despite “Russia as a state” is still a way of maintaining the symbolic power of political leaders, there are some strong but hidden tendencies forming “Russia as a community of citizens” under the influence of information technologies, global values, norms and outlooks.

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Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Russia: What Kind of Nationalism is Produced by the Kremlin?

Cited by 20 publications

References 11 publications

The three facets of national identity: Identity dynamics and attitudes toward immigrants in Russia

The three facets of national identity: Identity dynamics and attitudes toward immigrants in Russia

From status inconsistency to revisionism: Russian foreign policy after color revolutions

Competing for a Citizen: “Visible” and “Invisible” Forms of State Identity in Russia

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