Nasilenie przestępczości młodocianych i dorosłych w latach 1958-1962 na podstawie statystyki sądowej

This work deals with the results of research carried out by Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences concerning young male recidivists aged 17-25 who had been repeatedly convicted. The fundamental material consists of: 100 young adult recidivists (aged about 20 on on the average) investigated in prisons in the years 1957/58. Follow-up studies comprise the period of 7-8 years; the average age of those investigated amounted recently to 23; 6 years. 100 recidivists, aged 21-25, investigated in prison (their average age being 23 years and 6 months), 60 of whom were subjected to detailed investigations in the years 1961/62. Follow-up studies comprised the period of 3 years; the average of the investigated amounted recently to 26;8 years. The additional material incrudes results of the follow-up studies concerning 331 juvenile recidivists, investigated in various periods of time as of 1957: 1. 158 former juvenile recidivists (cases taken from the Juvenile Court) whose average age is now about 24; 82 of them still continue to commit offences, 2. 81 of former juvenile recidivists discharged from educational and correctional institutions, whose average age now amounts to 31; 50 of them still continue to commit offences, 3. Formerly irrvestigated 92 juveniles and young adults guilty of hooligan misdemeanours whose average age is now about 28; 52 of them still continue to commit offences. Moreover, while dealing with certain questions, results of the research concerning 1,394 juvenile recidivists, a part of whom has recently become young adult recidivists, were also utilized. The above material was chosen for the research in such a way as to satisfy the needs of representativeness. The task facing the investigators at the outset of the research in prisons with regard to young adult recidivists aged 17-20 in 1957 was the verification of the following hypotheses: such recidivists derive as a rule from among individuals who alreardy in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustment and repeatedly committed thefts during their minority. Prisoners aged 17-20, domiciled in Warsaw or its environs, convicted for at least the second time after the completion of 17 years of age and imprisoned for the second time at least, were successively chosen for the research in prison without any selection whatever. After a check in Juvenile Courts it appeared that 90 out of 100 young adult recidivists were tried by Juvenile Courts (for thefts as a rule); on the basis of the information given by their mothers and themselves it has been ascertained that merely 9 out of the remaining 20 did not as juveniles commit thefts repeatedly. Only 9 % of the investigated recidivists did not display any symptoms of serious maladjustment in their childhood. In connection with these results of the research, in 1961 investigations of recidivists aged 21-25 were initiated in the Warsaw prisons. Recidivists of that age who were convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time were qualified for this research, the purpose of which was to find out a) whether also among recidlvists older than the previously investigated recidivists of 17-20 there are as a rule individuals who began to commit offences as juveniles (under 17), b) and to reveal, in cases when delinquency and recidivism begin at after the completion of 17-18 years of age, the factors influencing the subsequent beginning of the process of social degradation. In course of one year, there were in two Warsaw prisons 259 recidivists aged 21-25, convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time. After a check in the Juvenile Courts it appeared that 153 of them (59 %) were formerly tried by the Juvenile Courts. Since they constituted an analoguous population in relation to the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20, they were not included in the research. No information could be obtained at Juvenile Courts with regard to the remaining 106 recidivists aged 21-25 as to their committing offences before the completion of 17 years of age. In course of detailed investigations of 60 out of 106 recidivists, it has been asserted on the basis of interviews held with them and their nearest relations, that 27 % of these recidivists repeatedly committed thefts already in their childhood. Thus, when these results were calculated in relation to the entire population (259) of 21-25 years old recidivists, it appeared that individuals whose delinquency began in their childhood (minority) constitute 70 % of the total. Recidivists who began committing offences after the completion of 17 years of age constitute only 30 % of the total. Below are presented the data relating to the deliquency of 100 recidivists aged 21-25, supplemented by follow-up studies in course of a three years period (their age already amounted to 24-28 years). Among recidivists aged 21-25, only 44 % were tried 3 times after the completion of 17 years of age, and 35 % were tried 5 times and more. After a lapse of 3 years merely 20 % of recidivists three times tried were left while already 58 % of recidivists were tried 5 times and more 24 % were tried 7 times and more). The average length of time spent on liberty between particular arrests in connection with instituting of new judiciai proceedings, was as follows: it did not exceed 6 months for 26 % of recidivists, it amounted to 7-12 months for 37 %, 13-18 months for 19 % and did not exceed one year and a half for merely 18 % of recidivists. 63 % of recidivists remained on liberty between subsequent arrests at most one year on the average and 82 % less than year and a half. The age at which first judicial proceedings were instituted against recidivists after their completion of 17 years of age was as folows: 17-18 years for 57 % of recidivists, 19 years for 13%, 21-22 years for 10 % and 23-24 years for 2 % of recidivists. During detailed investigations of 60 recidivists it appeared that they could be divided into two groups: Group A (34) consists of individuals, who were first tried at courts aiready at the age of 17-18 and probably committed offences before. These recidivists are seriously socialIy degraded and at leasts 40% of them are closely connected with the criminal environment, 56 % perpetrated robberies. 62 % were tried six times and more at the age of 24-28 years. Group B (26) consists of individuals of whom 69 % were first tried at courts only at the age of 20 and over and only 39 % were tried six times and more. They are less socially degraded, their deliquency being closely connected with alcoholism. An analysis of deliquency of the seriously socially degraded recidivists from Group A permits to assert that offences against property constitute 55 % of all the offences for which they were convicted, while offences committed under the influence of alcohol - against authorities (mostly insults and attacks on the policemen) and against person (infringement of bodily inviolability, assaults occasioning actual bodily harm) constituted 27 % of the offences committed. Theft (burglary or larceny), the typical offence against property, constitutes 70 % of all offences against property. A relatively large numer of offences against authoritiers, mostly against the policemen and against the person, committed under the influence of alcohol, indicates at once that frequent abuse of alcohol must also play an important role in the delinquency of the Group A recidivists, especially as practically all their robberies were committed in the state of drunkenness. Detailed investigations have shown that 80 % of these recidivists already drank alcoholic beverages several times a week before the completion of 18 years of age and now as many as 56% display symptoms of alcohol addiction although their average age is only 26;6 years. The delinquency of the less demoralized Group B differs from that of the Group A. The percentage of offences against property is only 28 %, most of the offences were committed under the influence of alcohol and offences against the person amount to 18 %. At the time of the research that group did not contain individuals connected with criminal environment or with professional criminals and the thefts they committed were not serious. Ten out of 26 recidivists did not commit offences against property at all. The percentage of alcoholics in that group is as high as 61,5 %; all the others drink large quantities of alcohol several times a week. A group of recidivists, similar to Group B now under review, appears also among the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20. After a lapse of 8 years, recidivists of that group whose offences against authorities, infringement of bodily inviolability and assaults occasioning actual bodily harm perpetrated under the influence of alcohol, amount to three fourths of all the offences committed, constitute 21 %. Likewise, among the formerly investigated 158 juvenile recidivists now aged about 24, the seriously socially degraded recidivists, who for the most part commit offences against property (analogously to Group A) constitute 42 % and recidivists committing offences mostly connected with abuse of alcohol (similarly to Group B) 25 %. Similar populations of recidivists also appear in other follow-up studies among the other formerly investigated juvenile recidivists. In each of these populations there exists at present a group (less numerous) of adult recidivists whose typical offences are not thefts but offences against authorities and against the person. In connection with the intensified alcoholisrn of the investigated recidivists it should be remembered that these recidivists cannot be identified with the typical aicoholics who commit offences. Apart from the fact that not all alcoholics commit offences, indiviluals who where not tried at courts under thirty years of age can usually be encountered among the convicted alcoholics. The period of time from the beginning of a frequent abuse of alcohoI to the appearance of the first symptoms of the alcohol addiction usually lasts 5-7 years and before the syndrom, characteristic for chronic alcoholisrn becomes manifest a few more years elapse. Delinquency of the alcoholics usually becomes a secondary, late phenomenon, connected with personality deviations and difficult living conditions resulting from a long period of systematic drinking. The delinquency of the alcoholics is besides less intensified and less serious. Therefore, recidivists who became alcoholics only after a lapse of a certain period of time, should be regarded from different points of view than those alcoholics whose delinquency made its appearance considerably later. All investigated recidivists (except 9) aged 17-20 began to commit thefts already at school-age, most of them under 13 years of age and only 30 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were tried at courts for the first time at the age of 20 and over. Thus, the beginning of delinquency and recidivism occurs in most last cases only at the initial stage of a systematic abuse of alcohol which cannot be identified with alcohol addiction. Nevertheless at the time of the research already 53 % of the investigated recidivists were alcohol addicts despite their youth, a fact which ought to be considered in connection with the early beginning of the abuse of alcohol by an overwhelming majority of persons investigated. A large percentage of alcoholics among the younger recidivists also indicates, that the question of personality disorders reveals itself as a problem deserving particular consideration. This work deals in the first place with the question whether the investigated recidivists displayed any symptoms of social maladjustment at their school-time and whether they constitute an analogous population to that of juvenile recidivists who according to other investigations conducted Department of Criminology show tendencies for reiterated perpetration of offences also after the completion of 18-20 years of age. As is well known, a part of juvenile delinquents cease to commit offences in their later years. The question what sort of juvenile delinquents stops committing offences and can be considered resocialized and what still continues to commit them at the age of 20-25, is important from the viewpoint of the problems of recidivism. It has been asserted with regard to 185 juvenile recidivists after a lapse of ten years when their average age was 23;9, that at least 32 % of them were seriously degraded and continued to commit offences frequently. (The percentage of former juvenile recidivists, considered fully resocialized, was only 33 % after 10 years). Among 81 juvenile recidivists discharged from correctional and educational institutions 44 % continued to commit offences after a Iapse of 13 years, (their avelage age already being 31). Regarding another investigated population of 92 juvenile and young adult perpetrators of the so-called misdemeanours of a hooligan character who often abused of alcohol, it has been asserted after the lapse of 11 years when they were already 28 years old, that 56 % of them still continued to commit offences. An analysis of the results of those investigations revealed, that juvenile recidivists who did not cease committing offences after the completion of twenty old years of age, displayed important symptoms of social maladjustment since their childhood and began to commit offences at an earlier stage than those juvenile recidivists who later reformed. Non-attendance at school, truancy, considerable retardation in learning, spending their time with demoralized companions, alcohol drinking etc. were particulary intensified as regards those juveniles who continued to commit offences after 20 years of age. The investigated young adult recidivists (aged 17-20) and the most degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) constitute a population analogous to those population which are encountered among the formerly investigated juvenile recidivists who did not cease to commit offences. Out of 100 recidivists aged 17-20, 58 % attained only 6 grades at school (a half of them ceased to attend school at the age of 11-13), 77 % played truants systematically (practically all of them have done so already in the first years at school), 58% ran away repeatedly from home (three fourths of them started running away before they were 12) and as many as 61 % drank alcohol more often than once a week before the completion of 17 years of age. Only 13 out of 100 recidivists who later ceased to commit offences did not display serious symptoms of social maladjustment at school. Among the seriously socially degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) only 35 % finished elementary school while most of them stopped attending school after 5 grades. Truancy, repetition of grades, early contacts with demoralized boys, often older than themselves being absent from their home for many hours every day, drinking alcohol etc. are typical phenomena. Dislike for all work, quick abandoning of work, frequent changes of employment follow at a later period. None of them ever worked systematically; some of them soon contrived to establish contacts with the criminal environment. Practically all of those recidivists have already first tried at courts art the age of 17-18. Recidivists whose delinquency began at a later tirne (Group B) and a part of whom did not commit offences against property, differ from the former. At the time of the investigations, that group did not include any systematically stealing individuals involved in the criminal background or such who had never worked for their living. It appeared, however, that these less demoralized recidivists who have been drinking alcohol for a long tirne now and among whom, despite their youth, there were 61,5 % of alcoholics, displayed in their chirldhood symptoms of social maladjustment similar to those shown by the more socially degraded recidivists of Group A. These symptoms were more definite regarding those who later committed thefts than those recidivists-alcoholics who did not commit ofences against property (there were but ten of the latter, however). Besides, the former had a more negative attitude to work already in their early youth, although in Group B only 3 recidivists have worked rather systernatically. Typical for ałl the rest was occasionaI work and frequent changes of employment. As is seen from the above, practically all investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 already in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustement, which shourd be considered in connection with certain personality disorders. 6. Another question dealt with in Part I of this work is the problem of family environments from which derive the recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25. It is fitting to mention that after the end of the war in 1945 their average age was 7-8 and 6-7 years; thus, the early childhood of these recidivists coincides with the time of war and occupation. Only 45 % of recidivists aged 17-20 and 51,7 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were brought up families in which were both parents. 32% of the former lost their father when they were under 7 years of age and 16 % under 15 while the figures for the latter are 22 % and 18% respectively. 40 % of young adult recidivists and about 50 % of recidivists aged 21-25 had alcoholic fathers, step-fathers or mothers men-friends living with them. Family environments were classified as negative in 62 % and 70 % with regard to both investigated populations; recidivists more degraded derived from worse family environments than those less antisocial. In connection with the above results of the research this work provides data relating to family environments of the formerly investigated juvenile delinquents of whom a part was born during the war or just before its outbreak (596 cases) and a part after its termination (758 cases). A confrontation of the data relating to family environments of those two populations permits to determine the existence and nature of differences in family environments of recidivists born in these two different periods of time. Following conclusions can be drawn from an analysis of the results of this research: Juvenile recidivists born during the war or just before the war were brought up in the broken families in a larger percentage (51 %, 52 % and 70 %) than juvenile recidivists born after its termination (39% and 34 %). The negative home environment appears, however, in the similar percentage regarding both the former (45 %, 40 % and60 %) and the latter (44 % and 58 %); homes of good educational atmosphere are scarce and do not exceed 19 % - 22 %. Data relating to alcoholism in homes are formed in much the sarne way (55 %, 54 %, 51 % - 58 % and 53 %). Results of investigations of 158 juveniles committing thefts (recidivists constitute 71 %) most of whom were born already several years after the war deserve special consideration. That research covered all juveniles tried for thefts in course of one year at one of the Juvenile Courts in Warsaw. 58 % of the investigated juveniles derived from homes classified as negative family environments (only 20 % of homes deserved a positive appraisal). A statisticaily significant relationship between recidivism and the negative home environment was ascertained at the same time. The same significant relationship between the negative home environment and a further recidivism, estimated on the basis of follow-up studies covering a period of 10 years, applies to another research comprising 158 juvenile recidivists. Thus the abnormal family structure and highly unfavourable home conditions under which the childhood of most of the investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 was spent, are typical also for the investigated populations of juvenile recidivists displaying tendencies for further recidivism. Next volume of the "Archives" deals with the problem of personality of the investigated recidivists and with certain questions connected with the erroneous penal and penitentiary policy which is contributing to the process of their social degradation.

Młodociani i młodzi recydywiści w świetle badań kryminologicznych część pierwsza

Batawia¹

1965

Delinquency in regions under intensified industrialization and the relations between the dynamics of delinquency and the dynamics of socio-economic processes (1958-1960 and 1964-1966)

Mościskier¹

1969

The study consists of two parts. The first part is concerned with the development of delinquency in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, whereas the other part deals with the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and the dynamics of delinquency, against the background of all the provinces in Poland. The studies discussed in both parts have been based on the police statistics of offences reported on and they embrace two periods: 1958-1960 and, 1964-1966. I. To illustrate a socio-demographical character of the 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, in addition to a periodization of the industrialization processes, presented by Professor J. Szczepański, also a scheme of socio-demographic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, prepared by Professor Rajkiewicz, has been taken into account. Stages of industrialization on the regional levels, differentiated by Professor J. Szczepański, are as follows: 1. Planning, which includes only those tasks which are considered indispensable for preparing an all-aspect industrialization plan on the particular region's level. 2. Construction of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises. 3. Initial start of new industrial plants and completion of substantial auxiliary premises. 4. Achievement of stabilization and the new balance of conditions. In Piofessor A. Rajkiewicz's scheme of socio-demografic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, the following components have been differentiated (according to their growing intensification): migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour, employment mobility (chiefly consisting in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour), achievement and improvement of occupational skill, crew forming in new places of employment. Empirical indices have been determined for such processes and it has been ascertained at the same time, that both intensification and dynamics of migration processes, activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility, generally speaking, achieved greatest intensity in stages of construction of industrial objects and of initial start of new industrial plants (especially in its primitive phase). On the other hand, the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills as well as that of the formation of crews in new places of employment were particularly characteristic for the stage of stabilization and new balance of interhuman relations. Problems of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour as well as the problem of employment mobility, are related with the increased horizontal mobility. Since their nature consists either in mass migration or in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour, therefore, those processes lead to the relaxation of environmental ties and to the slackening of social control over the individuals concerned. Thus, such processes may favour the development of certain forms of social disorganization including the intensification of delinquency. The processes of achievęment and improvement of occupational qualifications by those employed in the national economy or the processes of crew forming in new places of employment substantially consist in achieving a mass advance of individuals within a social structure and create conditions capable of developing stabilized communities with a normally functioning social control. Therefore, such processes may be recognized to be one of the social vertical mobility forms which consists in a mass advance of social nature in the population of the region concerned. Such a phenomenon should exercise some inhibitive influence on any signs of social disorganization and, consequently, on a decrease in delinquency. The abovementioned hypotheses have been confirmed by the findings obtained from the investigations of the development of delinquency observed in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes. To begin with, the total delinquency rates and dynamics in the regions in question were confronted with those in the provinces concerned. As for 1964-1966, it had been found that delinquency rates in the regions under industrialization programmes were considerably higher than those in the provinces. The total delinquency rate per 10 thousand inhabitants of the regions under industrialization programmes was 131.89 while that of the provinces concerned - 104.10. The biggest difference was found in the offences against social property, the rates having been 34.01 and 20.75, respectively; a significant difference was also found in robberies (1.06 against 0.66), clerical offences, very severe and severe bodily injury and offences against private property. Having confronted the delinquency dynamics between 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, it has been established that in the latter period, the rates of delinquency had considerably increased in the regions under industrialization programmes and showed simultaneous decrease in the provinces concerned. The general delinquency rates in the regions increased by 19.9 percent and those in the provinces decreased by 11.4 per cent. In the regions under industrialization programmes, the highest increase was noted in the robbery rate, namely by 165.0 per cent, against that by 46,7 per cent in the provinces; next came offences against social property (an increase in rate by 55.9 per cent in the regions and a decrease by 12.7 per cent in the provinces), finally, offences against private property (an increase in rate by 16.9 in the regions and a decrease by 16.9 per cent in the province). Of particular importance seems to be a finding from that analysis which concludes that the increase in delinquency in the particular regions of intensified industrialization programmes appears to be closely related with the industrialization stages achieved in those particular regions, on the one hand, and with the intensity or-some of the abovediscussed socio-economic processes, on the other. In 1964-1966, out of the four studied regions under intensified industrialization programmes, the first one reached the stage of construction of industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises, the second and the third - were in the course of the initial start of new industrial plants and the completion of substantial auxiliary premises, and in the fourth one - stabilization and new balance of conditions was partially achieved. At the same time, in the first three regions, one observed considerable intensity of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility which - as has already been mentioned - were connected with the increased social horizontal mobility. However, in the fourth region, the intensity of such processes was already considerably lower though other processes manifested themselves more clearly, namely the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills by those employed in the social economy as well as the process of the formation of crews in new places of employment, i.e., those processes which owing to the nature of the mass social advance are one of the forms of social vertical mobility. In 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, in the first three regions of intensified industrialization, there was an apparent increase in delinquency rates, especially in the latter period, in which the regional rates were considerably higher than the provincial ones. But at the same time in the fourth region, there was an evident decrease in delinquency rates and as for 1964-1966, the rates were even lower than in the province concerned. It may then be assumed that it is only two stages of intensified industrialization which might be recognized as those whięh favour an increase in delinquency rates, namely: the stages of construction of new industrial objects and of the initial start of new plants. The most rapid increase in delinquency rates is observed in the course of a few years after capital investments have been commenced, i.e. in the stage of construction of new industrial objects and in the early stage of the initial start of new industrial plants. It should be expected that higher rates of delinquency in the regions of intensified industrialization have a temporary character only, connected with greater social horizontal mobility and will certainly decline in accordance with the intensification of the processes of social advance of the population concerned. II. In the second part of the study, the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency have been analysed on the basis of the material collected from all the provinces in Poland. 79 variables were used in the analysis, including 15 concerned with delinquency. The rate was defined as a per-cent increase or decrease in the individual variables values in 1964-1966 against 1958-1960 (the value of the variable for 1958-1960 was 100 per cent). A method by J. Perkal, a Polish mathematician, was used, the so called ,,analysis of a set of characteristic" which is a simplification of L. L. Thurstone's multiplefactor analysis. 18 factors, referred to as processes, were obtained. 6 of these are particularly important for the topic of this study. Before we proceed with the discussion of the findings of that analysis mention must be made of the fact that in Poland, as compared with 1958-1960, a general decrease in the number of offences took place in 1964-1966. This is reflected in the formulations, concerning the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency, where mostly a slower or quicker decease in the number of offences, connected with the given process, is mentioned and not an increase of the delinquency itself. First of all, let us list three essential processes - from the industrialization and urbanization problems point of view - which in the light of the analysis failed to have shown any significant relation with the delinquency dynamics: 1. The rate of the economic development of the provinces (it should be noted, however, that there is a slight dependence between that process and an increase in juvenile delinquency). 2. The rate of the industrialization progress in the provinces. 3. The rate of the increment of the urban population in the provinces (it should be pointed out that recently in Poland, contrary to many other countries, migration to towns, having to a considerable extent been limited and controlled, essentially consists in a migration of experts wanted for the national economy). Let us mention now three socio-economic processes whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics are apparent: 4. A process, clearly marked in certain provinces, characterized by swift increment of the density of population, showing stabilization in a majority of branches of the national economy, (except for an increase in agricultural production), a process which, as compared with other provinces, is connected with a slower decrease in general delinquency, and especially with a decrease in offences against social or private property and in very severe or severe bodily injury. A swift increment of the population number which, except for agriculture, in certain areas was not accompanied by adequately swift economic progress seems to be a factor that might have a disadvantageous effect on the development of delinquency, adding in those areas to a slower decrease in delinquency rates. 5. A process, marked in certain provinces only, in which an increase in the proportion of employees of the lowest education level is observed, is connected, as compared with other provinces, with a slower rate of decrease in the total number of offences, especially of those against social or private property, on one hand, and with a quicker rate of increase in offences against public order officers and in certain offences against the person, on the other. It should be noted that that particular process is approximate in character to one which was dealt with in the first part of this study, typical for intensified industrialization, a process, manifesting itself by increased fluctuations of crews in new employment places, i.e. one of employment mobility. 6. The rate of growth of capital investments in the provinces shows a significant relationship with a quicker rate of housebreaking and a slower decrease in the number of clerical offences. An increase in the number of housebreaking is probably related to increased numbers of unskilled and ill-stabilized labour employed in capital investments. These are, in our opinion, the most important social and economic processes, differentiated as a result of an analysis of the material collected, whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics have already been discussed. First of all, most interesting is the fact that in the reporting provinces and periods of time such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population do not reveal any relationships with the delinquency dynamics. General views claiming close relations between,the processes mentioned and delinquency had somehow been shaken thereby. The final findings of our analysis have been confirmed by an undoubtful fact that in the reporting period in the province of Katowice, the most industrialized and urbanized province in Poland, there was the highest decrease in delinquency rates as compared with other provinces, and in 7964-1966, delinquency rates for the province of Katowice were much lower than the average rates for the country as a whole. It may then be assumed that there is no causation between such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population and the delinquency dynamics. Should in certain studies the two phenomena be found to appear, this would probably be due to other factors which failed to have been differentiated in the findings of such studies. Having considered the conclusions set forth in points 5 and 6, we believe that one of such factors is the social horizontal mobility which diminishes human environmental ties and limits possibilities for social control of individuals. Let us remember that point 5 was connected with a process characterized, among other things, by increased fluctuations of new plants' crews while point 6 - with a process of increased rates of capital construction where apparently, in that sort of work, poorly stabilized occupational categories are grouped. Simultaneously, both abovementioned processes reveal statistically significant connections with the delinquency dynamics. These remarks were confirmed by the conclusions drawn in the first part of this study, where it had been pointed out that increased rates and growth of delinquency in the regions under intensified industrialization programmes were related to sociodemographic processes characteristic for the social horizontal mobility. The sociodemographic processes, connected with an increased social horizontal mobility, consisting in migration and in frequent changes of employment by unskilled labour in general, are particularly intensified in an early phase of industrialization, i.e. in stages of construction, of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premise and of initial start of new industrial plants. But the later industrialization stages, where a phenomenon of a mass social advance of the population is observed, are not connected with increased delinquency rates.

Juvenile delinquency in Poland 1961-1967 (extent, structure, adjudicated means)

Jasiński¹

1969

1. Problems related to juvenile delinquency have always been a subject of vivid interest of both scientific circles and the community at large. Consequently, juvenile delinquency has probably become a criminological problem given a most profound consideration and any studies which concern that type of delinquency get a vivid response also outside a nanow expert community. Among such studies, modest though and certainly not foreground place is occupied by analyses of statistical materials. Since the results of the analyses mentioned “grow old” much quicker than do the results of individual, more advanced studies, it seems purposeful, therefore, to make efforts in the direction of bringing them more up-to-date. At least one problem seems to demand such up-dating most specificaliy, i.e., the problem of the assessment of the general data obtained from the police and judicary statistics since such data can be one of juvenile the bases for determining the extent of delinquency. Having considered that within the meaning of the criminal law juveniles and adults are, in an arbitrary manner, demarcated merely by age limit (before or after 17 years of age at the moment an offence was committed) whose artificiality is somehow shocking from the criminological point of view, it seemed also advisable to-include in this study other questions related to the extent of delinquency of young adults as well as to consider its situation against the background of the adult population. Another group of questions discussed is connected with the structure of delinquency; also special attention has been paid to questions of place the suspects or those found guilty (and young adults, too) herd among the total numbers of suspected or convicted adults. Finally, there is the third group of questions given special consideration in this study, namely the educative and correctional means adjudicated upon juveniles. Although there is a good deal of information on that particular topic as well as more or less detailed papers concerning the analysis of these kind of data nevertheless the material in question has not so far been analysed in terms of an adequately long period of time which would permit to seize certain clearly-cut tendencies in adjudication of particular kinds of means, especially against the background of various fluctuations of numbers of juveniles appearing in the court. In that chapter of this essay, the studies have been considerably extended to include 1951-1967 instead of 1961-1967 as in the remaining ones. 2. 1. In analysing various kinds of contexts in which, particular authors mention the range of juvenile delinquency - especially when they are alarmed by its increase or whenever they are pleased to note its stabilization or decrease - one may easily see that the authors usually have different things in mind. Sometimes their opinions are based on more and sometimes on less founded assumptions or estimations concerning the number of juvenile offenders themselves, sometimes on the number of their offences, the importance of such deeds or their frequency rate, the degree of social depravity in juveniles appearing in courts, and finally, together - on a series of the abovementioned instances (and also on ones not mentioned there). Anyway, always where one or another adequately justified opinion on the extent of juvenile delinquency is found, the reader is able either to know at once or to trace back what in ęach particular case was the measure of the extent in question. The purpose of the present study is to show different ways for the determination of the detected extent of juvenile delinquency and to present certain groups of data which might serve as the most appropriate criteria for the evaluation of the dimensions of delinquency; furthermore, the intention of the present author is to show that at least some of the criteria are by no means of competitive nature but that they rather permit us to grasp different aspects of the problem of juvenile delinquency. It would be difficult therefore to forejudge about the superiority of one criterion over another as they concern different aspects of the samę problem and as such may have a different impact for our analyses, depedent on the line of our research. 2. A relatively large number of juveniles found among the total number of suspected or convicted individuals may sometimes incline us towards making certain far-reaching statements concerning the extent of juvenile delinquency. Some people hold the opinion that whenever juveniles (or sometimes juveniles and young adults) constituted a considerable portion of the total number of offenders, the range of their delinquency should be recognized as significant, if only on account of their share in delinquency. The author is doubtful about the rightfulness of such an opinion if it were only for a specific character of the juvenile delinquency structure, the importance of offences or also for other than in the case of adults, aims of prosecution (in the broadest meaning of that word). It does not mean, however, that it would not be worth while what is the place the known now in Poland juvenile offenders hold among the total number of individuals convicted. In 1961-1967, juveniles under 13 years of age constituted merely 2-3 per cent of the total number of individuals convicted (similar percentage was noted in the last decade 1951-1960). Together with 13-16 year-old offenders, the juveniles constituted only a group of several per cent - and in recent years - a dozen-or-so per cent group. The number of very young and young that had been found guilty (i.e., juveniles and young adults) was bigger but stin did not exceed 1/5-¼ of the total number of the individuals convicted out of which half were almost 30 or older at the time they committed the offences. It is fitting to note at this point that in a number of countries, persons under 21 years of age constitute 1/2 and sometimes 2/3 of the total number of the individuals convicted or suspected. It may then be said that from the point of view of a relative quantity of juveniles found in the total number of the individuals convicted, that juvenile delinquency in poland may still be estimated as a highly moderate one. 3. Out of all the available methods that can be employed for the evaluation of the extent of juvenile delinquency the simplest one is that which bases on the statistical data concerning the number of juveniles found guilty, or more broadly juvenile adjudgments, or even still more broadly - the number of cases in which a juvenile was suspected of an offence. The limitations involved in the use of such a criterion are quite evident since in applying such a criterion we fail to consider any consequences of the fact that the number of adjudgements or findings of guilt is hardly synonymous with the number of juveniles adjudicated or found guilty (which could after all be justified), but - and this is less acceptable - such a number does not bear any relation to the wider population - events or individuals - against whose background it occurs. However, from one point of view this criterion is important, namely it provides relatively accurate information about one of the quantitative aspects of risks faced by the police and the court of law, involved with the conduct of proceedings and with the adjudication upon the offences committed by juveniles. This criterion becomes particularly important whenever we tackle with organizational problems of courts for juveniles, or the needs for staff or institutions. For the last seven years, the total number of adjudgements increased from about 47 thousand to 71 thousand (i.e. by 52 pet cent). As compared with 1951 (abo 26 thousand), the total number of the adjudgements in 1967 was almost threefold. Close to the latter was the number of juveniles suspected by the police of offending the law (for the last four years past, it was 53 to 70 thousand a year). Out of the total number of the adjudgements, the findings of guilt held similar place (54 to 56 per cent) slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when the proportion was about 56 to 61 per cent. In the seven-year period discussed, the proportion of discontinuations of legal proceedings evidently increased: at the present moment, 33 to 34 per cent of juvenile cases are dismissed, in 1951-1960 on the other hand, the proportion having been 20 to 30 per cent. Various categories of juveniles are involved therein. Acquittals are a particular category of adjudgements; the absolute number of acquittals was on an approximate level (2,300-2,800) but owing to the simultaneous increase in the total number of adjudgements, the percentage of acquittals decreased to 4 per cent. Perhaps it is worth while remembering that acquittals were as many as 11 per cent of adjudgements in 1951, but already in 1952 and onwards, the proportion had been stabilized on the 6 to 7 per cent level. The fact that it is so low now should perhaps be recognized as a positive phenomenon; it seems to give evidence that magistrates, who but certainly conduct also preparatory proceedings, do not send cases too hastily for hearing where the juvenile's guilt seems insufficiently made probable to them. It may be asked upon how many juvenile suspects educative-or correctional means are adjudicated following a finding of guilt. A summary of the data obtained from the police or court statistics may supply an answer. As was said before, cases of almost 60 per cent of suspected juveniles end up with a finding of guilt, that proportion being slightly lower in boys than in girls and in lower age groups rather than in older. Very few suspects of 7 to 9 years of age are found guilty (7 per cent). Those proportions increase rapidly already in 10 year-old suspects (47 per cent) and grow up to 13 yearsage-group (62 per cent) showing then a stabilization on a similar level. According to the information mentioned, in 1961-1967 annual numbers of findings of guilt were 27 to 38 thousand. Those numbers included, of course, a majority of findings of guilt by juvenile courts and also sentences of ordinary courts. The latter were concerned with cases when a juvenile was 17 years of age prior to the beginning of the hearing or when he or she acted together with an adult and when according to the prosecution's decision “for the benefit of the administration of justice” their case should not be transferred to the juvenile court. The proportion of findings of guilt by ordinary courts of law was about 9 to 11 per cent in 1961-1967, having been slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when sometimes it reached even 13 per cent. This is probably connected with some lowering of the mean age of juveniles found guilty for the last few years as compared with that observed in 1951-1960. 4. The number of juveniles upon whom judicial.educative or correctional means had been executed provide information about another side of the quantitative aspect of work facing the juvenile courts. The number of juveniles under court control due to a committed offence increased from 34,520 in 1951 to 58,005 in 1967 and that is by 68 per cent. This seems to be an effect of not only an increase in the number of juveniles found guilty but also of a prolonged average duration of execution of means. That considerable number of juveniles upon whom means were executed should perhaps be further increased. So, for instance, in 1965 45.055 children and youth were placed under juvenile court control, established according to civil proceedings, and under ordinary court control there were another 23,699. As for some portion of the number of such juveniles, court control was certainly connected with manifestations of their social maladjustment, with behavioural disturbances not varying in nature from those for which other juveniles were found guilty. Also in some of those cases, the way of carrying out the control did not differ significantly from the means usually applied, such as supervision order, probation or approved school. 5. Since in the hitherto discussed ways of understanding the range of the detected juvenile delinquency the main stress was laid on absolute numbers, in the present analysis of the standards some attention may be paid to relative numbers resulting from a reference of the number of findings of guilt to some population of individuals concerned or of the number of juveniles found guilty to some broader population of which they were a portion. The objective of such an analysis is to illustrate the degree to which the phenomena of delinquency have been spread throughout the juvenile population. This will lead to quite a different manner of appreciating the juvenile delinquency range. It will not be considered weighty e.g., when the number of findings of guilt will reach some definite level but when the number of juvenile offenders in the juvenile population will be sufficiently high. The most common standard of that kind is represented by delinquency which, if applied for analysing data of court statistics with regard to juvenile delinquency, is represented by the number of findings of guilt as one pro mille of the entire juvenile population. As compared with absolute numbers, the above listed rates give the following picture: between 1961 and 1965, a slight (a few-per-cent) increase in the number of findings of guilt was observed, however, considering that this was accompanied by a much higher increase in the number of i0-16 year-old juveniles, the rates showed a decrease. During the following two years; there was a significant change of that situation, the increase in the number of findings of guilt was then so high that it brought about also an increase in rate values which in 1967 became 15 per cent higher than those in 1961. The increase in rates was by no means equal in all age groups of juveniles concerned, some were not involved at all. The rates in all age groups of girls were found on similar level as in 1956-1960. Thus, the increase in the number of findings of guilt in girls was proportional to the increase in the total population of 10-16 year-old girls. The annual average was one finding of guilt per 1,000 girls in that particular age group. With boys, the situation was different; here we had to deal with a general increase in rates as compared with that observed in the preceding five-year period. The increase in rates was very high in 14-16 year-old boys (by 19-23 per cent), approximate level was maintained in12-73 year-old boys and a decrease was observed in 10-11 year-old ones (by 5-10 per cent). An average rate of 196l-1967 for the total population of boys was 12,2 and showed that an annual average in the discussed seven-year period was one finding of guilt per 82 boys between 10 and 16 years of age. In our earlier discussion of the rank that the findings of guilt in juveniles held among the total number of such findings in 1961-1967, also young adults were mentioned. There were more findings of guilt in young adults although the latter belong only to four age groups (17, 18, 19 and 20) while the juveniles - to seven age groups at least. The above listed findings show first of all a systematic decrease in numbers of convictions in young adults (1961 -1964) followed, as compared with the 1961 level, by an increase (1965-1967) by 9 per cent in made and by 2 per cent in female offenders. This movement of absolute numbers of convictions in young adults was accompanied by simultaneous but considerable decrease in rates which although failing to increase after 1964, have maintained thę level of that year. Consequently, the relevant rates, as compared with 1961, were in 1967 - 30 per cent lower in men and 33 per cent in women. These changes were caused by a few independent agents whose effects were partially accumulated. Therefore it must be said that the rates in young men and women in 1961-1963 were on an approximate level. Its rapid decrease took place in 1964, which was undoubtedly connected with the Act of Amnesty of 20th July 1964 whose bearing on the number of convictions was certainly felt in 1965, too. At the same time, the effect of another diminishing agent was felt: according to the Decree of 28th March 1963, a certain number of young adults ceased to be subject to ordinary court proceedings since the conscription age limit was lowered to be 19 instead of 20 Years of age. In 1967, a successive agent appeared on the scene to have a bearing on the number of convictions in that category of individuals concerned (as well as of the adult population, too). Namely, in accordance with the provisions of the Decree of 17th June 1967, a series of minor offences were classified as non-indictable offences having at the same time become subject of administrative and not judicial proceedings; minor speculations or theft had been involved. As far as the rates were concerned, an additional element started functioning; it was a process of leaving the young adult age group by individuals born during the war (law quantity year groups) on one hand and of entering into that particular age of very numerous year groups of those born after the war, on the other. Prospectives for an extent of young adult convictions for the next few years to come should perhaps be worth while mentioning now. As a result of a thorough analysis of the young adult conviction rate in 1961-1965, of legislative changes and of foreseen changes in numbers of the total young adult population (which will still be increasing for another few years) - the author had drawn the following conclusion. In 1970, the number of convictions of male young adults will probably be about 38 thousand while the rate will reach about 28.0; the relevant figures for females will be 5.5 thousand and 4.0 respectively. In closing our remarks on an evaluation of juvenile and young adult known delinquency extent, made in terms of rates, it might be said that analogically to earlier rates based on the numbers of convictions, also other ,,rates" might be established, where data on numbers of juveniles on whom educative or correctional means had been executed by juvenile courts, could be utilized. A reference of the number of such juveniles to the total number of 10-16 year old ones would lead to the following findings: in 1961, they were 8.7 pro mille of all juveniles of 10-16 years of age but after 7 years - they were 11.8. Thus, as per 31st December 1967, out of each 86 juveniles of 10-16 years of age group, one was under a juvenile court control a subject of executed educative or correctional means. 6. So far, analyses of a degree, to which known juvenile delinquency had spread among youth, were based on information about findings of guilt, however, there is also a possibility to define it by reference to the number of juveniles found guilty. To do so, one has to know how many juveniles, out of those born during one calendar year were found guilty for offences committed by them at thęir juvenile age, exclusively between 11th and 17th years of age. By making use of the data on findings of guilt in 1950- 1960, one could see that for each year group of juveniles born in 1941, 1942, 1943 or 1944, the number of individuals found guilty were 14.1 to 14.9 thousand; their percentage, related to the total number of those born in the said year groups' was 3.5 to 3.8 per cent (for boys only - 6.3 to 6.8 per cent). Thanks to the fact that complete data on findings of guilt have now been available for 1961-1967, an extention of the analysis with respect to few further year groups could be possible. As it may be seen, the numbers of juveniles found guilty, born in the successive years just after the war, increased rapidly (from about 15 to 28 thousand). That increase, however, took place with a simultaneous considerable increase in general quantities of those particular year groups. In the entire population of those of 17 years old, the percentage of juveniles found guilty was approximately on similar level (on a slightly.higher levęl than in the case of those born during the war). Although such a percentage was low in girls, in boys it grew up as high as 6,7 to 7,5 per cent. This means that approximately every thirteenth - fourteenth young adult of 17 years of age born between 1945 and 1951 had already been found guilty for an offence committed at his juvenile age. Analogical attempts to define the number of found guilty within some longer period of time, where findings of guilt could be referred to not only to one but to a sequency of years - in young adults - are more difficult than in juveniles. It is because of relevant shortage of statistics in Poland. By way of analysing data on convictions in 1951 -1963, I had defined some approximate number of young adults, born in 1939, 1940, 1941 and 1942, covicted, at whatever moment of the entire four-year period when they were young adults (between I7 and 20 years of age). In the population of 21 year-old men (born in the above mentioned years) there were about 15 per cent of those who had once been found guilty at their young adult age. This means that approximately every seventh man at that particular age had been convicted at his young adult age. Should the entire eleven-year period between 10th and 21st year of age be taken into account, one would have to accept that every sixth had been found guilty. The above mentioned figures seem very high, indeed. This calls for a thought to be given as to whether or not the penalization extent in this country is not too much expanded or whether or not penal means are too hastily applied when - without prejudice or even to some purpose - they could be given up. 7. So far, data of twofold nature were used for defining standards of known juvenile delinquency extent: numbers of individuals (found guilty) or numbers of events, such as findings of guilt, adjudgements or cases in which a juvenile was a suspect. Let us mention another type of dates which in its character is approximate to the latter category: numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects. Relevant information is provided for by police statistics. According to data of that kind, numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects were 99,588 in 1956 and 110,892 in 1967. 8. Also various ways of interpretation of known juvenile delinquency extents as well as various standards of such extents were discussed. In dealing with legal order endangered by juveniles, attention will first of all be paid to the numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects, especially, so if that standard would adequately be enriched by data concerning the kind or importance of such offences. If interest is taken in quantitative aspects of tasks facing ouf courts of law, the juvenile delinquency extent will be looked at through a prism of the number of adjudgements (especially - of findings of guilt) as well as of the number of subjects under the juvenile court control due to execution of educative or correctional means adjudicated. In that particular area, the extent of juvenile delinquency for the recent seven-year period considerably increased, what might to a certain degree be related to a general increase of the youth population in this country in that period. If one wants to know the degree to which manifestations of known to the police major juvenile depravity has bęen spread, delinquency rates should be used or - what even allows for a broader look at that problem - the percentage of those found guilty for offences committed at their juvenile age in relation to the young adult population born in particular year groups. The abovementioned rates as well as - though to a minor extent - the percentages seem to show that the known juvenile delinquency in this country increased, especially for the last few years. 3. A definition of the delinquency structure is usually understood to include the elements delinquency is composed of and the numerical ratio of delinquency groups differentiated either from delinquency as a whole or from its particular categories. If so understood, in analysing the delinquency structure it is only natural to use a body of information in which offence is a unity. This may be data on the total number of offences committed in a selected area at a certain definite time, irrespective of the method of its evaluation; this may also be a body of data on known offences, on offences where a suspect had been determined in the course of preparatory proceedings or, finally, a body of information about offences where offenders had lawfully been convicted or found guilty. In most cases no such data are available (except perhaps for the second of the mentioned bodies of information which is a fundamental section of police statistics). However, where interest is taken in the delinquency structure, related to a definite category of offenders - to juveniles, the analyser is as a rule compulsed to search for material of different kind. Such material would usually include data on findings of guilt, enriched as they are with information about the nature of offences concerned. An analysis of such data leads to the following conclusions: A considerable increase in the number of findings of guilt in 1961-1967 failed to produce any substantial changes of the juvenile delinquency structure. It is still offences against property (86 to 89 per cent) which are dominant in juvenile delinquency - mostly including theft of things of minor value. Besides, a somewhat numerous group embraced offences against the person (5 to 7 per cent), in which slight bodily harm (about 1/3 of cases), assault (1/5 of cases) and battery or grievous bodily harm dominated. Annually, there were 5 to 11 juveniles found guilty for murder and 21 to 35 for manslaughter. In 7967,614 juveniles were found guilty for sexual offences (1.7 per cent of the total number of findings of guilt in that very year); rape was found in more than a half of cases, the remaining ones having been fornication with juveniles below 15 years of age. About one per cent of cases included offences against public order officers. Offenders of other categories were few. A higher than average increase in the number of findings of guilt for housebreaking or burglary, for damage done to property, a series of offences against the person and for rape has been noted since 1961. This was accompanied by an increase of the mean age of juveniles found guilty annually - from 13,8 years in 1961 to 14,3 years in 1967. It is no wonder then that first of all an increase in the proportion of offences committed by juveniles of older year groups has been observed. A peculiarity of the.juvenile delinquency structure becomes clearly-cut, indeed, when compared with the young adult and adult delinquency structures. Differentiation of only 4 delinquency groups (against property, against the person, sexual offences and those against public order officers) is sufficient to embrace a) almost the entire juvenile delinquency (93 to 96 per cent), b) a considerable proportion of young adult ddlinquency and c) but only below 60 per cent of adult delinquency. The fact that a great majority of juvenile delinquency are related to offences against property (chiefly theft) of minor importance must by no means stipulate that such a delinquency should be neglected. On the contrary, the effects of commitments of various, often slight, offences turn out too often to be serious. This may not be clear when only single cases are considered but when the developing process of juvenile social depravation is taken into account whose that sort of offerences are but a fragment only. According to findings of individual studies, the extent of juvenile offenders demoralization shows either a slight or no connection with the objectively evaluated specific gravity of offences ascribed to juveniles. 4. The activities of juvenile courts or of ordinary courts of law with regard to the adjudication of educative or correctional means upon juveniles in 1951-1967 was the last question discussed in the study. A salient feature of the adjudication by our courts upon juveniles is their very considerable caution in applying means connected with separation of a juvenile from his or her familial community and sending them to an institution. The percentage of juveniles upon whom approved school or borstal had been adjucated was between 10 and 14 per cent, in recent years having been stabilized as l0 to 11 per cent. From that fact a conclusion can hardly be drawn that it was only every 9th or 10th juvenile upon whom an institutional order was considered necessary. Because it should always be remembered that the adjudication in that particular subject is influenced not only by an evaluation of the degree of juvenile social depravity, of educational valours represented by the juveniles' environment, of needs of the juvenile's himself, but also by the realistic possibility of execution of such an adjudication since there is chronic lack of placements in approved schools and very often felt lack of placements in borstals. With respect to further 15 to 24 per cent of juveniles found guilty, eventual need for applying institutional treatment must have been felt by the courts since executions of relevant adjustications had been suspended and 3/4 of cases were placed on probation. Probation was the most frequently applied means with respect to juveniles. That particular means was applied almost in 1/3 of all juveniles found guilty, the proportion of such adjudications having considerably increased in 1951-1967, i.e from 23.2 per cent to 32.2 per cent, so that the yearly number of juveniles placed on probation augmented threefold. Supervision order is another kind of means which used to be more frequently adjudicated early in the fifties and now it is adjudicated upon every 4th-5th juvenile. Most probably, the observed changes regarding preference of adjudication of probation is caused by development of such services enabling probation of increased numbers of juveniles found guilty. Admonition was a mean whose application seemed to be decreasing (it was adjudicated upon 23 per cent of juveniles in 1951 and only upon 14 per cent in 1967). A rapid decrease in the number of juveniles upon whom the courts were satisfied by applying that particular single act a few years after 1951, was probably due to a simultaneous rapid growth of the mean juvenile defendant age progressing according to a rise of the age limit of juvenile responsibility from 7 to 10 years of age (1954). On the other hand, the recently observed considerable decrease in proportion of such adjudications is undoubtedly closely connected with advising the courts in terms of limitation of means to be adjudicated upon juveniles of younger year groups. The choice of adequate educative or correctional means was no doubt influenced not only by the court having been convinced as to which was the best mean for the juvenile's re-education but also what were the realistic possibilities to get the mean executed. An open question is to what extent the changes of the structure of adjudicated means are a result of changes in categories of juveniles appearing at the courts.