Narva as Method

Abstract

This article asks how a post-Soviet city went global and became something else, mutating, in the sense of generating a new set of features that go beyond a narrow understanding of postsocialism. The research provides a synthetic conceptualisation of Narva and the organisation of its ordinary life, by combining methods of urban observation and classification with geographical and ethnographic descriptions of this city. Using visual imagery of urban objects, along with field annotations and interview quotes as the materials analysed, the article carries out a Narvaology that consists in deploying this city ‘as method’. It points out that cities such as Narva require a more relational and multi-scalar language, one with broader theoretical and methodological implications, able to account for fragmentary socio-political issues.

Understanding Russophone Estonian Identity Through Popular Culture: An Analysis of Hip-Hop Hit “für Oksana”

“…A second prominent setting is a series of canals in the east of the city, known locally as “Narva Venice” (Martínez, 2020, 78). Narva Venice is home to hundreds of seemingly makeshift structures used for storage, summer residences, and recreational activities, and is considered an integral feature of the city’s cultural and social life (Whyte 2021).…”

“…The apartment scenes in “für Oksana” can be divided into two separate types: first, those in which Gameboy Tetris raps whilst sitting behind a table in the kitchen and second, those involving Oksana’s family enacting aspects of day-to-day life. In all the apartment scenes, items of furniture and decorations visible such as a “landscape painting, colourful wooden bowls, [and] ornamental curtains” reflect “Russian” rather than “Estonian” tastes (Martínez 2020, 84). However, in scenes featuring Gameboy Tetris, a collection of souvenir magnets collected from different European countries, including Malta, Finland and Greece, are perhaps a subtle reminder that Narva too, is in Europe.…”

“…In terms of symbols, the lyrics mention the orange and black St. George's ribbon, "permanently intertwined" in Oksana's hair ("Ma tean see Georgi lint su juuste sisse jäädavalt on põimunud"). Traditionally worn by Russians on May 9th to commemorate the Soviet World War Two "Victory Day," the ribbon has become a symbol of "belonging, effective in performing an act of social linking" for Russian-speakers in and outside Russia (Oushakine 2018in Martínez, 2020. Wearing the ribbon in Estonia may be considered a visual performance of belonging to the Russophone community, which rather than following hegemonic Estonian state-promoted discourses, understands narratives surrounding the Second World War more in line with those in Russia.…”

“…Since 2004, Narva has not only marked the point where Estonia ends and Russia begins, but also the eastern edge of the European Union, a boundary which in Estonian discourses is often framed as a “deep-seated civilizational divide” (Pfoser 2017, 27). Located “literally and symbolically at the margins” (Pfoser 2014, 272), Narva is often considered peripheral to the hegemonic Estonian center, and its residents, known as “Narvians,” 1 internally “othered” (Martínez 2020, 68), due to their enduring linguistic and cultural ties to Russia. Precisely for these reasons, Narva found itself central to broader geopolitical narratives (Martínez 2020, 85) following Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea.…”

“…Located “literally and symbolically at the margins” (Pfoser 2014, 272), Narva is often considered peripheral to the hegemonic Estonian center, and its residents, known as “Narvians,” 1 internally “othered” (Martínez 2020, 68), due to their enduring linguistic and cultural ties to Russia. Precisely for these reasons, Narva found itself central to broader geopolitical narratives (Martínez 2020, 85) following Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea. The city became the focus of international speculation from journalists and analysts alike, amid fears Vladimir Putin could invade Estonia under the guise of offering “protection” (Kasekamp 2015, 30) to Narva’s 95% Russian-speaking population (Pfoser 2014, 272).…”