N400 and P600 modulation in presupposition accommodation: The effect of different trigger types

Domaneschi, Filippo; Canal, Paolo; Masia, Viviana; Vallauri, Edoardo Lombardi; Bambini, Valentina

doi:10.1016/j.jneuroling.2017.08.002

Cited by 41 publications

(25 citation statements)

References 61 publications

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“…"a true doctor" just means a doctor) and form (or the syntactic presence of an optional element, the adjective, when none is needed, given the phrase's meaning; see Baggio 2018; Kuperberg, 2007;Michalon & Baggio, 2019); (ii) a view in which the P600 reflects instead pragmatic processing, e.g. detection of underinformative elements in the input, or other processes required for interpretation (see Bambini et al, 2016;Domaneschi et al, 2018). It may be possible to reconcile these models with the view that the P600 reflects semantic composition (4.2).…”

Section: Effects Of Denotation: Larger Negativity or Smaller P600?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Meaning composition in minimal phrasal contexts: distinct ERP effects of intensionality and denotation

Fritz

Baggio

2020

Language, Cognition and Neuroscience

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A central question in neurolinguistics is how the brain computes the meaning of complex expressions from the meanings of the parts. We investigate adjective-noun composition using EEG, focusing on the effects of the intensional and denotational semantics of the modifying adjective. We used NPs from 4 semantic conditions in Bokmål Norwegian: privative modal (e.g. "fake president"), privative temporal ("former president"), non-privative modal ("real president"), and non-privative temporal ("current president"). In 2 non-semantic conditions, the adjective was replaced by either a non-word or a pseudo-word. The composition contrast (semantic vs non-semantic trials) revealed a larger P600 component after the noun in the semantic trials. The effects of intensionality (modal vs temporal adjective) were found in the N400 time frame, while the effects of denotation (privative vs nonprivative adjective) were found in a post-N400 window. We discuss some implications of these results for neurocognitive theories of compositional language processing. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Section: Effects Of Denotation: Larger Negativity or Smaller P600?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Meaning composition in minimal phrasal contexts: distinct ERP effects of intensionality and denotation

Fritz

Baggio

2020

Language, Cognition and Neuroscience

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“…The additional analysis of the P600 potential (a positive deflection that peaks around 600 ms post-stimulus) showed lower P600 amplitude for targets associated with homonyms relative to the unrelated condition that was more prominent for dominant-related targets. The P600, which is traditionally associated with syntactic processing and reanalysis ( Osterhout and Holcomb, 1992 ; Kaan et al, 2000 ), may also reflect integration and pragmatic processing at the discourse level (e.g., interpretation of irony: Regel et al, 2011 ; “semantic illusion” sentences: Brouwer et al, 2012 ; and presupposition processing: Domaneschi et al, 2018 ). The authors interpreted this effect as a marker of the post-lexical reprocessing that reflects integration of the target with the prime.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Metaphor Is Between Metonymy and Homonymy: Evidence From Event-Related Potentials

2020

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The goal of the present study was to investigate the interaction between different senses of polysemous nouns (metonymies and metaphors) and different meanings of homonyms using the method of event-related potentials (ERPs) and a priming paradigm. Participants read two-word phrases containing ambiguous words and made a sensicality judgment. Phrases with polysemes highlighted their literal sense and were preceded by primes with either the same or different – metonymic or metaphorical – sense. Similarly, phrases with homonyms were primed by phrases with a consistent or inconsistent meaning of the noun. The results demonstrated that polysemous phrases with literal senses preceded by metonymic primes did not differ in ERP responses from the control condition with the same literal primes. In contrast, processing phrases with the literal sense preceded by metaphorical primes resulted in N400 and P600 effects that might reflect a very limited priming effect. The priming effect observed between metonymic and literal senses supports the idea that these senses share a single representation in the mental lexicon. In contrast, the effects observed for polysemes with metaphorical primes characterize lexical access to the word’s target sense and competition between the two word senses. The processing of homonyms preceded by the prime with an inconsistent meaning, although it did not elicit an N400 effect, was accompanied by a P600 effect as compared to the control condition with a consistent meaning of the prime. We suppose that the absence of the N400 effect may result from inhibition of the target meaning by the inconsistent prime, whereas the P600 response might reflect processes of reanalysis, activation, and integration of the target meaning. Our results provide additional evidence for the difference in processing mechanisms between metonymies and metaphors that might have separate representations in the mental lexicon, although they are more related as compared to homonyms.

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“…The N400 can arise due to different manipulations (e.g., priming, frequency, violations) that can be related to notions of predictability, plausibility, and similarity (see Nieuwland et al, 2018 ). Therefore, we resort to a broader interpretation of the N400 as a “change in a probabilistic representation of meaning” (see Rabovsky et al, 2018 ) at the lexical semantic or compositional semantic levels, in interaction with discourse context ( Nieuwland and Van Berkum, 2006 ) or world knowledge ( Hagoort et al, 2004 ) [see also the N400 effect found for other context-dependent phenomena such as presuppositions ( Masia et al, 2017 ; Domaneschi et al, 2018 ), and metaphors (e.g., Bambini et al, 2016 )].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Novel ERP Evidence for Processing Differences Between Negative and Positive Polarity Items in German

2019

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One unresolved question about polarity sensitivity in theoretical linguistics concerns whether and to what extent negative and positive polarity items are parallel. Using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), previous studies found N400 and/or P600 components for negative and positive polarity violations with inconsistent results. We report on an ERP study of German polarity items. Both negative and positive polarity violations elicited biphasic N400/P600 effects relative to correct polarity conditions. Furthermore, negative polarity violations elicited a P600-only effect relative to positive polarity violations. The lack of a graded N400 effect indicates that both kinds of violations involve similar semantic processing costs. We attribute the increase in P600 amplitude of negative polarity violations relative to positive polarity violations to their different nature: the former are syntactic anomalies triggering structural reanalysis, whereas the latter are pragmatic oddities inducing discourse reanalysis. We conclude that negative and positive polarity violations involve at least partly distinct mechanisms.

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N400 and P600 modulation in presupposition accommodation: The effect of different trigger types

Cited by 41 publications

References 61 publications

Meaning composition in minimal phrasal contexts: distinct ERP effects of intensionality and denotation

Meaning composition in minimal phrasal contexts: distinct ERP effects of intensionality and denotation

Metaphor Is Between Metonymy and Homonymy: Evidence From Event-Related Potentials

Novel ERP Evidence for Processing Differences Between Negative and Positive Polarity Items in German

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