2014
DOI: 10.1017/s0898030614000384
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“Must Jesus Bear the Cross Alone?” Reverend Oberia Dempsey and His Citizens War on Drugs

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Cited by 5 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…As evidenced by Vernon's remarks about the support of black residents, evangelicals also framed policing as colorblind and a guarantor of security for racial minorities. This argumentation did accurately correspond to the history of black communities and ministers who demanded more policing as a mode of securing their neighborhoods, especially once drugs began filtering into cities in the 1960s and 70s (Fortner 2015;Forman 2017). However, most of these ministers also pushed for economic, educational, and social services that would address the profound disparities brought about by entrenched segregation and racism.…”
Section: Evangelical Law Enforcement's "Focus On the Family"mentioning
confidence: 77%
“…As evidenced by Vernon's remarks about the support of black residents, evangelicals also framed policing as colorblind and a guarantor of security for racial minorities. This argumentation did accurately correspond to the history of black communities and ministers who demanded more policing as a mode of securing their neighborhoods, especially once drugs began filtering into cities in the 1960s and 70s (Fortner 2015;Forman 2017). However, most of these ministers also pushed for economic, educational, and social services that would address the profound disparities brought about by entrenched segregation and racism.…”
Section: Evangelical Law Enforcement's "Focus On the Family"mentioning
confidence: 77%
“…Wiggins deftly connects this activism to middle-class notions of “cleanliness” and “orderliness,” versions of the “politics of respectability” church groups, women's clubs, fraternal organizations, and other civic associations developed in response to White supremacy in the early part of the twentieth century (Higginbotham 1993) and that had become instantiated in the ideological milieu of middle-class African American society by the 1960s (Fortner 2015 b ). Freed of the disciplinary function of the White gaze, the post-civil rights Black middle-class in Atlanta retained these norms and exercised them to interpret rising crime rates and potential threats to individuals and business and to justify policy remedies.…”
Section: Racial Capitalism Categories Of Analysis and The Urban Polit...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For several decades now, Adolph Reed, with analytic perspicacity and rhetorical verve, has exposed the class dimensions of the racial features of local and national Black politics. 1 Recent case studies of crime policy in New York City (Fortner 2015 a ; see also Fortner 2015 b ) and Washington, D.C. (Forman Jr. 2017; see also Forman Jr 2012) show how racism and economic decline contributed to rising crime rates and describe how middle-class African Americans responded by waging a war on drugs and crime against the urban Black poor. Of course, both outcomes—Black unity in local elections and Black division on policy questions— can be true.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…41 Or the local "personal universe of the subject," including social networks, institutions, and grassroots leaders, may exacerbate individual anxieties. 42 Additionally, Zimring and Hawkins do not give sufficient weight to values. While values alone may not be a sufficient cause of fear, moral codes may help individuals comprehend threats and evaluate policy prescriptions.…”
Section: "Law and Order" And "The Silent Majority"mentioning
confidence: 99%