Muslim Challenges to the Secular Consensus: A German Case Study

Amir-Moazami, Schirin

doi:10.1080/14782800500378359

Cited by 19 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…81 Schirin Amir-Moazami has taken like aim at the purported "neutrality" of Germany's brand of secularism. 82 Across the channel, Bhikhu Parekh underscores the contextual contingency that liberalism cannot overcome.…”

Section: Postmodernismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe

O'Brien¹

2009

German Politics and Society

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This article analyzes the most influential weltanschauungen at play in the politics of immigration in Europe. I categorize relevant value judgments into what I, following Theodore Lowi, call "public philosophies." I highlight three competing public philosophies in the politics of immigration in Europe: 1) liberalism; 2) nationalism; and 3) postmodernism. Liberalism prescribes universal rights protecting the autonomy of the individual, as well as rational and democratic procedures (rules of the game) to govern the pluralism that inevitably results in free societies. Against liberalism, nationalism stresses community and cultural homogeneity in addition to a political structure designed to protect both. Rejecting both liberalism and nationalism, postmodernism posits insurmountable relativism and irreducible cultural heterogeneity accompanied by ultimately irrepressible political antagonism. I examine the three outlooks through a case study of the headscarf debate. The article concludes with consideration of how normative ideas combine with other factors to influence policymaking.

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Section: Postmodernismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe

O'Brien¹

2009

German Politics and Society

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“…Accordingly, empirical studies show that in different national settings, the segregation of religion and state is executed to different degrees (e.g. French laïcité , Germany as ‘in-between-state’) (Amir-Moazami, 2005). This idea is ‘translated’ into different models of religious education in European countries, ranging from confessional religious instruction, no religious instruction, to non-confessional or neutral religious instruction (Grimmit, 1994, 2000).…”

Section: Political Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Engaging with religious epistemologies in the classroom: Implications for civic education

Bekerman

Zembylas

2017

Research in Comparative and International Education

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Our point of departure in this paper is the observation that in many secular societies—which may be so in variable degrees, especially in the West—as well as in societies emerging out of religious conflict, there may be the perception that educational systems ought to promote civic values while sidestepping religious or cultural values. This entanglement, in our view, presents a challenge that is deeply political, because effective participation in a society is directly relevant to ideals about equity, social justice, power relations, and the common good. We suggest that when religious and cultural affiliations are excluded from such ideals, this makes effective participation more possible or perhaps less so, especially for certain social groups such as minority and marginalized groups or groups that have been victimized in a conflict situations.

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“…2. Although there is strong evidence that one side is more persistent than the other (Amir-Moazami, 2005). 3.…”

Section: Acknowledgementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right-wing hegemony and immigration: How the populist far-right achieved hegemony through the immigration debate in Europe

Yılmaz

2012

Current Sociology

146

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It is becoming increasingly clear that the debate on Islam and Muslim immigrants has moved into the center of European political discourse. The increasing volume of publications about the role of Islam in social, cultural and political spheres indicates that Islam is now a major political issue, often associated with the debate on terrorism and security. This article argues that the shift in focus should be understood as the result of a hegemonic shift that goes back to the mid-1980s when the populist far-right intervened in the immigration debate in Europe. The far-right not only presented immigration as a cultural threat to the future of European nations but also succeeded in moving immigration to the center of political discourse. This was done through successive right-wing political interventions that helped establish Muslim immigrants as an incompatible ontological category predicated on culture, and kept the national focus on immigration as an imminent threat to ‘our common’ achievements.

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Muslim Challenges to the Secular Consensus: A German Case Study

Cited by 19 publications

References 16 publications

Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe

Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe

Engaging with religious epistemologies in the classroom: Implications for civic education

Right-wing hegemony and immigration: How the populist far-right achieved hegemony through the immigration debate in Europe

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