Murder–suicide: A reaction to interpersonal crises

Haines, Janet; Williams, Christopher; Lester, David

doi:10.1016/j.forsciint.2010.04.036

Cited by 26 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 34 publications

(56 reference statements)

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“…Rather, the mental status is in line with what in psychiatric terms is called a maladaptive stress reaction, in this case a reaction to the interpersonal crisis (cf. ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Comparing Homicide‐Suicides in the United States and Sweden

Regoeczi

Granath²,

Issa

et al. 2016

Journal of Forensic Sciences

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Research on homicides followed by suicides has largely relied on very localized samples and relatively short time spans of data. As a result, little is known about the extent to which patterns within cases of homicide-suicides are geographically specific. The current study seeks to help fill this gap by comparing twenty years of homicide-suicide data for Sweden and a large U.S. county. Although some of the underlying patterns in the two countries are similar (e.g., decreasing rates), a number of important differences emerge, particularly with respect to incidence, weapons used, perpetrator age, and relationship of the perpetrator to the victim.

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“…Rather, the mental status is in line with what in psychiatric terms is called a maladaptive stress reaction, in this case a reaction to the interpersonal crisis (cf. ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Comparing Homicide‐Suicides in the United States and Sweden

Regoeczi

Granath²,

Issa

et al. 2016

Journal of Forensic Sciences

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“…Using the MTH classification, Byard () commented under extrafamilial H‐S that a final group consists of “kamikaze” murder‐suicides, citing as examples a bombing in Bali and others in the Middle East. More recently, Haines, Williams, and Lester () identified suicide bombings in Israel and Sri Lanka as examples of extrafamilial H‐S. Thus, the suggestion that suicide terrorist acts constitute a type of H‐S is not a recent one and has been made recurrently over four decades.…”

Section: Placement Of Female Suicide Terrorists With Recognized Typesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender differences in combined homicide‐suicide with consideration of female terrorist bombers

Felthous

Samantarai

Mukhtar

2019

Behavioral Sci & The Law

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Combined homicide‐suicide (H‐S) is a phenomenon described as an offender committing a homicidal act followed by their suicide. Current literature on H‐S is dominated by a focus on men and their particular set of motivations and actions, primarily because females constitute only a small fraction of the cases of completed H‐S. This review begins by analyzing this data and integrating females within two subclassifications of H‐S: the psychopathology of the actor (or perpetrator), and the actor's relationship to her homicide victims. Within the relational subcategory of H‐S, females are: (1) underrepresented when victims are their spouses or intimate partners (consortial H‐S); (2) more prevalent when victims are their own children (filial H‐S); and (3) with rare exceptions, not represented in extrafamilial, adversarial and pseudo‐commando H‐S perpetrators. This review includes female bombers in this gender comparison.

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“…In addition, homicide-suicide disproportionately involves firearms: The odds of firearm usage are approximately 5 times greater and 11 times greater among homicide-suicides, respectively, than among homicides and suicides (Carcach & Grabosky, 1998;Panczak et al, 2013). Scholars also generally have agreed that homicide-suicide shares a common set of risk factors with intimate partner homicide and family homicide (Haines, Williams, & Lester, 2010;Heron, 2017;Manning, 2014;Salari & Sillito, 2016). Most notably, these acts typically involve a history of interpersonal conflict (Kalesan, Mobily, Vasan, Siegel, & Galea, 2016); occur in suburban and rural locales; involve greater proportions of female, child, and White victims; and include multiple victims (Holland, Brown, Hall, & Logan, 2018;McPhedran et al, 2015).…”

Section: Individual-level Correlates Of Homicide-suicidementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given the ambiguities discussed, homicide-suicide has been conceptualized as an extension of suicide (Liem & Roberts, 2009;Malphurs, Eisdorfer, & Cohen, 2001), as an extension of homicide (Haines et al, 2010;Harper & Voight, 2007;Stack, 1997), and as a unique act altogether (Liem & Nieuwbeerta, 2010). We acknowledge that homicide-suicide is a heterogeneous phenomenon and that some cases are more suicide driven than homicide driven (e.g., cases in which an individual's primary motivation is to commit suicide and then decides secondarily to kill loved ones out of the fear of leaving them behind).…”

Section: Individual-level Correlates Of Homicide-suicidementioning

confidence: 99%

Putting homicide followed by suicide in context: Do macro‐environmental characteristics impact the odds of committing suicide after homicide?*

Fridel

Zimmerman

2018

Criminology

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Homicide followed by suicide remains an understudied phenomenon in the criminological literature. This is due, in part, to methodological and statistical limitations—much of the extant research includes small samples and has not kept pace with quantitative advances. Moreover, scholarship on homicide–suicide has been focused almost exclusively on individual risk factors, discounting contextual influences. In this study, we examine whether macro‐environmental characteristics affect the odds of suicide after a homicide. We use data on 24,373 homicide and homicide–suicide cases distributed across 3,019 cities and 48 U.S. states from the National Violent Death Reporting System to examine the direct effects of structural factors on the odds of suicide after a homicide; and whether structural characteristics condition the impact of the victim–offender relationship on the odds of homicide–suicide. Hierarchical logistic regression models indicate that macro‐level concentrated disadvantage decreases the odds of homicide–suicide. Furthermore, concentrated disadvantage attenuates the odds of suicide after the homicide of an intimate partner, child, family member, or friend, relative to the killing of a stranger. The findings reveal that researchers should account for the context in which homicide–suicide occurs; failure to do so may unintentionally discount a key correlate of homicide–suicide and artificially inflate the effects of the micro‐environment.

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Murder–suicide: A reaction to interpersonal crises

Cited by 26 publications

References 34 publications

Comparing Homicide‐Suicides in the United States and Sweden

Comparing Homicide‐Suicides in the United States and Sweden

Gender differences in combined homicide‐suicide with consideration of female terrorist bombers

Putting homicide followed by suicide in context: Do macro‐environmental characteristics impact the odds of committing suicide after homicide?*

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