Abstract:Multiparty government has often been associated with poor economic policymaking, with distortions like lower growth rates and high budget deficits. One proposed reason for such distortions is that coalition governments face more severe 'common pool problems' since parties use their control over specific ministries to advance their specific spending priorities rather than practice budgetary discipline. We suggest that this view of multiparty government is incomplete and that we need to take into account that co… Show more
“…Second, coalition governments may implement various internal mechanisms to control individual ministers and overcome bargaining problems, and as suggested by Bäck, Müller and Nyblade (2013), this may have important consequences for policymaking in coalitions. We recognize the importance of such “coalition governance mechanisms,” but we see our hypothesis as a complementary explanation, and we argue that coalitions with a high degree of commitment potential can solve both common-pool problems and veto-player deadlock since high commitment potential should enable parties to commit to future policies without implementing specific coalition governance mechanisms.…”
Section: Conflicts and Compromises In Coalition Governmentsmentioning
Many political scientists and economists have argued that coalition governments tend to accumulate more debt than single-party governments do, but the evidence for this proposition is mixed. This article argues that only some coalition governments are more likely to increase public debt than single-party governments: those in which parties are unable to make credible promises to their partners about future policy. It introduces the concept of ‘commitment potential’ within coalitions and proposes a way of measuring it. The study evaluates its theoretical claims using data on 20 advanced democracies observed over a period of almost 50 years. It finds that multiparty governments with high commitment potential do not, on average, accumulate more debt than single-party governments, but that governments with low commitment potential do.
“…Second, coalition governments may implement various internal mechanisms to control individual ministers and overcome bargaining problems, and as suggested by Bäck, Müller and Nyblade (2013), this may have important consequences for policymaking in coalitions. We recognize the importance of such “coalition governance mechanisms,” but we see our hypothesis as a complementary explanation, and we argue that coalitions with a high degree of commitment potential can solve both common-pool problems and veto-player deadlock since high commitment potential should enable parties to commit to future policies without implementing specific coalition governance mechanisms.…”
Section: Conflicts and Compromises In Coalition Governmentsmentioning
Many political scientists and economists have argued that coalition governments tend to accumulate more debt than single-party governments do, but the evidence for this proposition is mixed. This article argues that only some coalition governments are more likely to increase public debt than single-party governments: those in which parties are unable to make credible promises to their partners about future policy. It introduces the concept of ‘commitment potential’ within coalitions and proposes a way of measuring it. The study evaluates its theoretical claims using data on 20 advanced democracies observed over a period of almost 50 years. It finds that multiparty governments with high commitment potential do not, on average, accumulate more debt than single-party governments, but that governments with low commitment potential do.
“…Yet, there has been very little research investigating whether and how voters react to the deals parties are normally required to make right after the election in order to form coalition governments. 2 The lack of research investigating voter reactions to coalition formation is puzzling considering not only how important these agreements are in terms of (effective) policymaking (e.g., Bäck et al, 2017 ; Strøm et al, 2008 ) and voting behaviour during election times ( Matthieß, 2020 ), but also because of the media and political attention they attract in the aftermath of the elections. This paper takes up the task of filling in this research gap by investigating whether and how voters react to coalition government deals immediately after the elections.…”
Section: Coalition Politics and Voters: The Story Thus Farmentioning
Government formation in multiparty systems requires election winners to strike deals to form a coalition government. Do voters respond and how do they respond to coalition government deals? This paper examines the short-term consequences of coalition government formation on voters in European democracies relying on survey panel data and original content analysis of coalition agreements. It tests theoretical expectations that deal with both the actual and perceived ideological shifts parties make when joining coalition deals as well as the effect of a much simpler heuristic cue based on preferences. The findings indicate that coalition deals have consequences on party preferences, but voter perceptions play a much stronger effect than the actual content of coalition deals. These results have important implications for our understanding of public opinion and provide important insights into the current difficulties and challenges of government formation and representative democracy.
“…In parallel, scholars have increasingly acknowledged the importance of the text of coalition agreements for the life of cabinets (e.g. Bäck et al 2017; Klüver and Bäck Forthcoming; Moury 2013; Müller et al 2008). In this study, we aim to analyse the content of explicit support agreements using similar tools and explain the variance among support parties’ demands.…”
Section: The Rationality Of Minority Cabinetsmentioning
Previous studies show that in multiparty systems the formation of minority governments can be a rational choice. To ensure survival and policy implementation, minority governments make concessions to non-cabinet parties. In this study, we empirically analyse the pay-offs given to support parties under minority governments. We argue that the content of support agreements is conditioned by support party type. Results are based on a two-stage empirical investigation: a text analysis of 10 explicit support arrangements for minority governments in Romania and a within-case comparison of two Romanian minority cabinets with different support arrangements. We employ an original data set of support agreements and elite interviews with former minority cabinet members. We empirically confirm that ethno-regional parties are mostly policy-seeking and target benefits for their specific groups. In contrast, mainstream parties make stronger claims for office distribution. The analysis challenges the widespread understanding that all support parties are mostly policy-seeking.
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