Whether we analyze phonological processes using a system of rules or constraints, the resulting map from underlying representations to surface pronunciations can be characterized as a function. Viewing processes as mathematical objects in this way allows us to study properties of phonology that hold no matter how it is implemented. Work in this vein has found that a majority of phonological processes only consider information within a finite window, placing them in the highly restrictive class of Strictly Local (SL) functions (Chandlee 2014; Chandlee et al. 2014;2015). Long-distance phonological processes, however, lie outside the capabilities of the SL functions since they consider information that can be arbitrarily distant. The more powerful class of subsequential functions has been offered as a potential upper bound on the complexity of long-distance phonology (Heinz and Lai 2013; Luo 2017; Payne 2017), but we will argue that an even tighter bound is possible. Specifically, by incorporating an autosegmental tier (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) into the structure of an SL function, the non-local information crucial for applying long-distance processes can be rendered local. In addition to assessing the typological coverage of these Tier-based Strictly Local (TSL) functions (Burness and McMullin 2019; Hao and Andersson 2019; Hao and Bowers 2019), we show that they fail to generate a number of pathological patterns that can be characterized as subsequential functions. We therefore conclude that the TSL functions are a better hypothesized upper bound on phonological complexity.