Mothers in “Good” and “Bad” Part-time Jobs

Abstract

Part-time work schedules are a popular option for many women struggling to reconcile the competing demands of employment and motherhood. They are controversial among feminists because they are associated with job penalties that promote gender inequality. Previous research on this topic has focused on issues confronting women workers in professional and managerial jobs. In this article, we compare and contrast the experiences of women in professional and secondary part-time jobs, drawing on 60 in-depth interviews with mothers working in such “good” and “bad” jobs. We find that mothers at the top and at the bottom of the employment hierarchy face unique disadvantages from their part-time employment to which they respond in different ways. Yet in both instances, mothers assume responsibility for their “choices,” which absolves organizations of blame for exploitation and discrimination against part-time workers. We suggest alternative possibilities for the organization of work in the conclusion.

Women’s Work Pathways Across the Life Course

“…Women who believe that they will leave the workforce once they become mothers may choose not to enter the workforce or may enter into more transitional employment as they anticipate leaving in the future. Some women prefer to work until they have children, at which point, they may decide to leave work to focus on their children or they might move to part-time work (Stone 2007; Webber and Williams 2008). It is important to note that the “choice” to stay at home with children is one that is often made within a constrained framework and one made in a society in which women learn at a young age to prioritize caregiving (Folbre 2001; Stone 2007; Webber and Williams 2008).…”

“…Some women prefer to work until they have children, at which point, they may decide to leave work to focus on their children or they might move to part-time work (Stone 2007; Webber and Williams 2008). It is important to note that the “choice” to stay at home with children is one that is often made within a constrained framework and one made in a society in which women learn at a young age to prioritize caregiving (Folbre 2001; Stone 2007; Webber and Williams 2008). Women’s expectations about their future in the workforce and their plans to prioritize childrearing do contribute to the decisions they make about their education, their marital preferences, and their childbearing, although structural position may also shape women’s ability to act upon this agency (Damaske 2011).…”

Telecommuting and Earnings Trajectories Among American Women and Men 1989–2008

“…At the bottom of the wage hierarchy are low-skilled hourly sales and service jobs where part-time schedules are concentrated (Tilly 1995), characterized by lower wages, few benefits, and little job security (Kalleberg, Reskin, and Hudson 2000; Webber and Williams 2008). Meanwhile salaried full-time jobs, particularly those with benefits, increasingly require more than 40 hours of work (Jacobs and Gerson 2004).…”

How Does Family Policy ‘Work’? Job Context, Flexibility, and Maternity Leave Policy

“…Lower wage work is more likely to reflect the ‘flexible worker’ norm as these jobs are designed to be part‐time and transitory with higher staff turnover (Webber and Williams , p. 764). The work, itself, is supposed to be flexible because the shifts are ‘flexible’.…”

“…Williams et al () cite multiple studies finding flexibility policies to be associated with lower performance evaluations and a reduced likelihood of promotion. Part‐time work in this context may be associated with a multitude of different penalties including limited benefits and relegation to the ‘mommy track’ where part‐time employees often occupy less skilled and more peripheral jobs (Stone and Hernandez , p. 248; see also Cahusac and Kanji ; Webber and Williams ). Professional mothers may also be penalized through lower quality assignments and difficulty finding mentors, which is essential for career advancement (Williams et al ).…”