Morphological reversals

Baerman, Matthew

doi:10.1017/s0022226706004440

Cited by 64 publications

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“…Most notably, there are varieties with complete agreement reversal that do not exhibit a PCC effect in the perfective. For these, we think a morphological analysis of the aspect split is more appropriate, as argued in detail by Baerman (2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2, we only take into consideration complete agreement reversal languages which have a PCC effect in the perfective. For non-PCC varieties, we refer the reader toBaerman (2007), who argues for a morphological analysis of such agreement reversal.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…3.1 and in fn. 11 on this phenomenon in Senaya.21 Note that the syntactic signature of the PCC means that a morphological analysis of agreement reversal, as suggested byBaerman (2007) for the Neo-Aramaic language Amadiya, is not appropriate for Barwar or the other complete agreement reversal languages. For detailed argumentation that the PCC is syntactic, seeRezac (2011).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Aspect splits without ergativity

Kalin

Urk

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper looks at two different aspect splits in Neo-Aramaic languages that are unusual in that they do not involve any ergativity. Instead, these splits are characterized by agreement reversal, a pattern in which the function of agreement markers switches between aspects, though the alignment of agreement remains consistently nominative-accusative. Some Neo-Aramaic languages have complete agreement reversal, affecting both subject and object agreement (Khan 2002(Khan , 2008Coghill 2003). In addition to this, we describe a different system, found in Senaya, which we call partial agreement reversal. In Senaya, the reversal only affects the marker of the perfective subject, which marks objects in the imperfective. We show that a unifying property of the systems that we discuss is that there is additional agreement potential in the imperfective. We develop an account in which these splits arise because of an aspectual predicate in the imperfective that introduces an additional ϕ-probe. This proposal provides support for the view that aspect splits are the result of an additional predicate in nonperfective aspects (Laka 2006;Coon 2010;Coon and Preminger 2012), because it allows for the apparently disparate phenomena of split ergativity and agreement reversal to be given a unified treatment.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

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Aspect splits without ergativity

Kalin

Urk

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…13 En Smith 1979, Baerman 2007 y Wunderlich 2012 se describen una gran cantidad de casos de polaridad provenientes de familias lingüísticas muy diversas. Aún existe controversia sobre el rol que desempeña la polaridad desde una perspectiva tipológica: mientras algunos autores opinan que "polarity is only rarely found" (Wunderlich 2012: 160), otros sugieren que se trata de un fenómeno interlingüísticamente bastante más generalizado (Serzisko 1982: 192, Baerman 2007.…”

Section: Inversión Paradigmáticaunclassified

La „inversión“ como técnica de codificación lingüística

Shibya¹

2015

Romanistisches Jahrbuch

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This paper addresses inversion as a linguistic strategy characterized by coding units of content through alternating exponents associated with corresponding units of expression (apud Hetzron 1967). This is a basic pattern that can be carried out in many different ways (and hence is somewhat productive). I will discuss two types of inversion that I have identified and will offer several examples from a synchronic perspective (many in Spanish, but also in other languages of very different linguistic affiliation). In type i, the inversion of formal exponents (AB vs BA) is necessarily associated with two different units of content ("X", "Y"). In type ii, the inversion of formal exponents (AB vs BA) does not imply the transition to units of different content, but the creation of alternative paradigms for the same categories or functions. The results will show that inversion represents a linguistic strategy that favors the economy of the language system because it does not require a multitude of different features for each case, but rather uses the functional exchange of components of expression associated with the instances of content involved. IntroducciónLos estudios lingüísticos han abordado el fenómeno de la inversión entre unidades de contenido y de expresión (converse, polarity, reversals, etc.) desde perspectivas muy diversas tanto en el ámbito del léxico¹ como de la gramática; con orientación sincrónica o diacrónica², o bien desde una perspectiva tipológica³. Al revisar detalladamente dichos trabajos, el lector tiene la impresión de que los hechos descritos son de naturaleza tan dispar que difícilmente puede identifi-* Agradezco los comentarios y sugerencias de Sinner e Yvonne Stork, así como de los asistentes al Taller de Lingüística del Departamento de Estudios en Lenguas Indígenas de la Universidad de Guadalajara. Cualquier error es responsabilidad mía exclusivamente. Este trabajo se benefició del apoyo del Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) para una estancia de investigación en la Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg.

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“…In present forms of transitive verbs, MPMs only function as optional object marking. However, in the past tenses of transitive verbs, a morphological reversal (Baerman, 2007) occurs: the standard person markers are replaced with the MPMs as subject-verb agreement markers. The standard person markers are then used for object marking.…”

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Compounds and Compounding

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Morphological reversals

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Cited by 64 publications

References 12 publications

Aspect splits without ergativity

Aspect splits without ergativity

La „inversión“ como técnica de codificación lingüística

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