Morphological Agreement in Minimalist Grammars

Ermolaeva, Marina

doi:10.1007/978-3-662-56343-4_2

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Our analysis of Lubukusu was based on the assumption that when a head receives multiple values of a morphological feature from different sources, it keeps the last one: in other words, inherited features can be overwritten by later instances of agreement. This solution worked well for the Lubukusu puzzle and may prove useful for other phenomena (Ermolaeva 2018, using a system similar to the present one, makes the same assumption in its analyses of Icelandic).…”

Section: Extensionssupporting

confidence: 52%

“…While we consider the primary contribution of this article to be the perspective on Agree (and thus on the nature of syntax) that it offers, we also believe its methodological contribution (in the form of the analytic strategy offered) to be valuable. While agreement is at the forefront of current syntactic theory in the Chomskyan tradition, the literature on Minimalist grammars (Stabler 2011) has largely ignored these fundamental questions (but see Ermolaeva 2018, which is a direct predecessor of this article). A further contribution of this article is to extend the Minimalist grammar framework so that it more directly addresses the interests of today's syntactician.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Agree as information transmission over dependencies

Ermolaeva

Kobele

2022

Syntax

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In contemporary Minimalism agreement is the result of a syntactic operation. In contrast to Merge, Agree does not build structure, its role being to transmit morphological features from one head to another. We provide an alternative perspective on agreement in a Minimalist idiom, one that cuts the ontological pie in a different way. Syntax has as its only operation Merge, and agreement, now divorced from syntax, transfers purely morphological information from head to head along channels established via syntactic feature checking. Separating agreement from structure building seems to enable more elegant descriptions of even complicated agreement phenomena.

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Section: Extensionssupporting

confidence: 52%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Agree as information transmission over dependencies

Ermolaeva

Kobele

2022

Syntax

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“…2) Ermolaeva (2018) defines Agree in the framework of Minimalist Grammar (MG) (Stabler, 1997). This framework, despite its name and as Collins and Stabler (2016) argue, is only tangentially related to minimalist theory and has substantially different goals and concerns.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A formalization of Agree as a derivational operation

Milway¹

2023

Bioling.

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Using the framework based on set-theory, I develop a formal definition of Agree as a syntactic operation. I begin by constructing a formal definition of a version of long-distance Agree in which a structurally higher element values a feature on a structurally lower element, and modify that definition to reflect various versions of Agree that have been proposed in the “minimalist” literature. I then discuss the theoretical implications of these formal definitions, arguing that Agree requires a new conception of the lexicon, and unjustifiably violates NTC in all its non-vacuous forms.

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“…At the same time, case dependencies are still sufficiently intricate that it is not immediately obvious how they could be handled by TSL mechanisms. Existing treatments of case in Minimalist grammars (Laszakovits, 2018) or agreement in general (Ermolaeva, 2018) imply that case dependencies are definable in first-order logic, but TSL is much more restricted than that. Case also lacks a unified linguistic theory.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%