2007
DOI: 10.17813/maiq.12.4.j10822802t7n0t34
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"More Than A March in a Circle": Transgressive Protests and the Limits of Negotiated Management

Abstract: We examine how tactical innovations introduced by transgressive protesters during the Seattle cycle of protests contributed to the end of a long, relatively stable period of détente between police and protesters in the United States. Case studies of the demonstrations staged by the AFL-CIO and the Direct Action Network (DAN) during the 1999 WTO protests are used to reveal the divergent capacity of the negotiated management style of policing protest to control contained and transgressive protesters. We argue th… Show more

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Cited by 95 publications
(59 citation statements)
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“…It should be noted that the risks, costs, and legitimacy of different forms of protest can change over time. For example, Gillham and Noakes () argue that demonstrations have become more risky for protesters in the 2000s as police departments have adopted more aggressive policing tactics. Additionally, the recent prominence of the Occupy movement may serve to alter the social legitimacy associated with some of that movement's tactics involving the occupation of public spaces.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It should be noted that the risks, costs, and legitimacy of different forms of protest can change over time. For example, Gillham and Noakes () argue that demonstrations have become more risky for protesters in the 2000s as police departments have adopted more aggressive policing tactics. Additionally, the recent prominence of the Occupy movement may serve to alter the social legitimacy associated with some of that movement's tactics involving the occupation of public spaces.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Relatedly, with regard to Weisburd and Lernau's (2006) "normative balance" account, the combined operation of the reversal of three relational mechanisms reinforced settler leaders and activists' sense of political efficacy and in the process facilitated the predominance of voices among the settler public that encouraged lawful behavior and favored Mamlakhtiyut, even when the public arena proved fruitless and chances to stop the Pullout were slim. These reversals are opportunity spirals (i.e., strengthening of the movement's political positioning and leverage, as the reversal of threat spirals) that operate between movement actors and members of the political establishment (Karapin 2011;McAdam et al 2001;Wright 2007); consensus mobilization (i.e., cooperation and agreements between two or more movement organizations regarding strategy, tactics, and goals, as the reversal of competition for power) that operate between movement member organizations and groups (Diani 2000;Klandermans 1988;Zwerman and Steinhoff 2005); and, underbidding (i.e., de-escalation levels and forms of protest activity and repressive measure, as the reversal of outbidding), which operate between movement actors and agents of social control and security (Earl 2006;Fillieule and Jobard 1998;Gillham and Noakes 2007;McPhail, Schweingruber, and McCarthy 1998). 14 The combined operation of these mechanisms actually maintained and sustained normative balance, contained the militant organizations and groups and, consequently, impeded radicalization.…”
Section: Struggling To Remain Relevantmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Techniques for making mass arrests were improved. All of these reforms were intended to impose discipline on protests that lacked the structure or inclination to regulate themselves with the expected rigor (Gillham and Noakes ).…”
Section: Public Order Policing In the Neoliberal Eramentioning
confidence: 99%