Montana English and Its Place in the West

Bar-el, Leora; Rosulek, Laura Felton; Sprowls, Lisa

doi:10.1215/00031283-4295299

Cited by 8 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Another piece of evidence to support a sequential view of the LBMS is the more robust movement of bat, which would shift first in a traditional pull chain, than of bet and bit in communities where the LBMS is a recent sound change. While not categorical, this distribution is widespread in LBMS studies (e.g., De Decker 2002;Hall-Lew et al 2015;Bar-el, Felton Rosulek, and Sprowls 2017;Becker et al 2016;Swan 2016). However, a smaller set of studies finds ordered movement, but in the opposite direction.…”

Section: The Accountmentioning

confidence: 96%

1. Introduction

2019

The Publication of the American Dialect Society

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Section: The Accountmentioning

confidence: 96%

1. Introduction

2019

The Publication of the American Dialect Society

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“…The LBMS occurs throughout California (Cardoso, Hall-Lew, Kementchedjhieva, & Purse, 2016;D'Onofrio, Eckert, Podesva, Pratt, & Van Hofwegen, 2016;D'Onofrio, Pratt, & Van Hofwegen, 2019;Fridland & Kendall, 2019), in western states like Washington (Swan, 2019;Wassink, 2016), Oregon (Fridland & Kendall, 2019;McLarty, Kendall, & Farrington, 2016), and Nevada (Fridland & Kendall, 2017. The pattern (or some of its components) is also attested increasingly eastward in parts of Montana (Bar-El, Felton Rosulek, & Sprowls, 2017), Utah (Bowie, 2017), New Mexico (Brumbaugh & Koops, 2017), Colorado (Holland & Brandenburg, 2017), Kansas (Kohn & Stithem, 2015;Villarreal & Kohn, 2021), Missouri (Strelluf, 2019), Illinois (Bigham, 2010), and Ohio (Durian, 2012;Durian, Dodsworth, & Schumacher, 2009), as well as more remotely in both Alaska (Bowie, 2020) and Hawaii (Kirtley, Grama, Drager, & Simpson, 2016). We argue for the unison of LBMS patterns across Canada and the western United States for two reasons: (1) the settlement history of these regions resulted in the same low vowel configuration; and (2) the LBMS is the structural consequence of this configuration.…”

Section: Synchronic and Diachronic Viewsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonological mergers have systemic phonetic consequences:palm, trees, and the Low Back Merger Shift

Gardner

Roeder

2022

Lang Var Change

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This paper provides a unified phonologically motivated explanation for the movement of trap, dress, and kit following the low-back merger in North American English (i.e., the Canadian Shift, California Shift, Low Back Merger Shift, Third Shift, etc.). The explanation puts forth that the three-way merger of lot, palm, and thought results in the loss of the [+Front] feature specification for trap, opening the door for dispersion focalization to pull trap toward the low central region of the vowel space. Analogy then prompts all other [−Peripheral] vowels, including strut and foot, to centralize. Crucial to this explanation is that the low-back merger includes palm, not just lot and thought. Evidence for this requirement is presented in a phonetic analysis of older speakers from conservative Victoria, British Columbia. The explanation presented here reconciles an earlier proposal (Roeder & Gardner, 2013) with Fruehwald's (2017) observation that parallel movement requires a shared feature specification.

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Production of pre-velar /æ/-raising in Colorado and Ontario

Sullivan

2024

American Speech: A Quarterly of Linguistic Usage

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Pre-velar /æ/-raising (BAG-raising) is a process in which some speakers of North American English raise /æ/ before /g/, but not /k/. Self-report data suggests that this process occurs in Canada and regions of the US close to the Canadian border (Stanley 2022). Acoustic data seems to support this finding, with evidence f or BAG-raising across Canada (e.g. Boberg 2006), and in the Pacific Northwest (e.g. Freeman 2021), the Upper Midwest (e.g. Koffi 2013) and California (e.g. Esposito & Lake 2021) in the US. However, this evidence is somewhat limited, particularly as there is no documentation of BAG-raising (or lack thereof) in regions where it is not expected to occur. The current study adds to our knowledge about the distribution of the production of BAG-raising by acoustically documenting its production in Colorado, where it is not expected to occur and has not been previously studied, and Ontario, where it is expected to occur and has been studied, but not specifically targeted (Boberg 2008; Sullivan 2020a). The results indicate that Ontarians BAG-raise while Coloradans do so little, if at all. Furthermore, there is a fair amount of variation in BAG-raising across participants which cannot be accounted for by region alone.

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Montana English and Its Place in the West

Cited by 8 publications

References 27 publications

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

Phonological mergers have systemic phonetic consequences:palm, trees, and the Low Back Merger Shift

Production of pre-velar /æ/-raising in Colorado and Ontario

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