Monitoring the ‘diabetes epidemic’: A framing analysis of United Kingdom print news 1993-2013

Foley, Kristen; McNaughton, Darlene; Ward, Paul

doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0225794

Cited by 14 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 65 publications

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“…The matrices/rubrics are shaded to indicate the prevalence of themes within the frames, with darker shades indicating prominence. Following the methodology of Foley et al decisions on the relative prevalence and therefore shade of the components were made by ( 39 ).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As outlined by Foley et al ( 33 , 39 ) we applied a framing analysis approach adapted from Entman ( 40 ), which was adapted by Matthes and Kohring ( 41 ). This framing analysis method defines the Social, Medical and Behavioral frames as each being made of four frame components Causal Attribution, Moral Evaluation, Problem Definition, and Treatment Recommendation.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These frame components form logical divisions within each frame into which data can be appropriately coded or categorized (see Tables 4 – 6 ). As outlined by Foley et al, the framing analysis followed thematic analysis ( 39 ). However, unlike Foley et al, this was undertaken immediately after completion of every ten thematic analyses.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, unlike Foley et al, this was undertaken immediately after completion of every ten thematic analyses. The decision to change the methodology was driven by timing constraints and differed from the Foley et al method which called for framing analysis to only begin after the completion of all thematic analysis ( 39 ). Conducting the framing analysis in small batches allowed for knowledge retention of the themes and narrative which enabled faster decision making for the framing analysis.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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How the Media Places Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic—An Australian Media Analysis

Thomas

Wilson

Tonkin

et al. 2020

Front. Public Health

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Global pandemics are likely to increase in frequency and severity, and media communication of key messages represents an important mediator of the behavior of individuals in response to public health countermeasures. Where the media places responsibility during a pandemic is therefore important to study as blame is commonly used as a tool to influence public behavior but can also lead to the subjective persecution of groups. The aim of this paper is to investigate where the media places responsibility for COVID-19 in Australia. Specifically, we identify the key themes and frames that are present and observe how they changed over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic in relation to government actions and progression of the pandemic. Understanding media representations of the COVID-19 pandemic will provide insights into ways in which responsibility is framed in relation to health action. Newspaper articles from the Australian and the Sydney Morning Herald were sampled between January 20 and March 31 2020 on every second Monday. Factiva was used to identify and download newspaper articles using the following search criteria: "COVID-19" OR coronavirus OR "Wuhan virus" OR "corona virus" OR "Hebei virus" OR "wet market" OR (Wuhan AND virus) OR (market AND Wuhan and virus) or (China AND Virus) or (Novel AND Virus). Articles were imported into Nvivo and thematic and framing analyses were used. The results show that framing of the pandemic was largely based on societal issues with the theme of economic disruption prevalent throughout the study time period. Moral evaluations of the pandemic were infrequent initially but increased co-incident with the first signs of "flattening of the curve." Explicit examples of blame were very rare but were commonly implied based on the causal origin of the virus. The Australian printed media were slow to report on the COVID-19 pandemic, in addition they were reluctant to apportion blame until the end of the study period, after confirmed case rates had begun to slow. This is interpreted as being due to an evaluation of the pandemic risks as low by the media and therefore the tools of othering and blame were not used until after the study period when the actual risks had begun to abate, more consistent with an inquiry than a mediating mechanism.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

How the Media Places Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic—An Australian Media Analysis

Thomas

Wilson

Tonkin

et al. 2020

Front. Public Health

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“…Rather, our purpose is twofold: first, we present the narrative relating to the toxicity of sugar and how this often diverges from the published findings of scientific articles and, second, we discuss some of the intended and unintended consequences of this phenomenon. Our paper is thus situated in an emerging field of critical work on sugar and health and its presentation in various media (Boero 2012;Throsby 2020;Topić and Tench 2018;Foley, McNaughton, and Ward 2020). The specific departure point for our paper is the anti-sugar narrative relating to its toxicity and the form this takes in a variety of media outlets.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From science to sensational headline: a critical examination of the “sugar as toxic” narrative

Hervik

Thurston

2021

Food, Culture & Society

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Over the past few decades, some scholars have labeled sugar "toxic" and portrayed it as the primary cause of diet-related health conditions. In this paper, this sugar as toxic rhetoric -which is widely echoed in the public sphere -is critically examined in terms of its physiological basis and wider social consequences. We argue that the claims of the narrative are oversimplified and partly based on a particular interpretation of scientific studies. By exaggerating the hazards of sugar consumption often using emotive language, the claims generate public concern about it being a threat to their health, which, in the process, contributes to a sense of moral panic. The resultant anxieties give emphasis to feelings of individual responsibility for regulating sugar consumption, which can further generate feelings of guilt and shame especially among those with limited agency for altering their consumption. We contend that the science on which the sugar as toxic narrative builds tends to be ideologically driven in a way that deflects attention away from a more serious debate about food environments. We conclude that the challenges are considerable for those whose role it is to communicate public health messages, especially if the issue is complex and the science incomplete.

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Bringing an end to diabetes stigma and discrimination: an international consensus statement on evidence and recommendations

Speight,

Holmes-Truscott,

Garza

et al. 2024

The Lancet Diabetes & Endocrinology

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Monitoring the ‘diabetes epidemic’: A framing analysis of United Kingdom print news 1993-2013

Cited by 14 publications

References 65 publications

How the Media Places Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic—An Australian Media Analysis

How the Media Places Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic—An Australian Media Analysis

From science to sensational headline: a critical examination of the “sugar as toxic” narrative

Bringing an end to diabetes stigma and discrimination: an international consensus statement on evidence and recommendations

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