Money Supply and Grain Prices in Fifteenth-Century Egypt

Shoshan, Boaz

doi:10.2307/2598897

Cited by 33 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Russell believed that population levels continued to decline after the 8th century, thus giving the recurrences of plague in the Middle East a much greater role in keeping the population level down, while Issawi and McEvedy and Jones saw an increase in population size but differed as to the degree. In the 19 Lev (2004), Shoshan (1981bShoshan ( , 1983. 20 Shoshan (1983).…”

Section: Population Estimates and The Plaguementioning

confidence: 99%

Structural change and economic development in the Islamic Middle East 700–1500: Population levels and property rights

Shatzmiller

2021

Scottish J Political Eco

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

There are currently various scholarly and disciplinary debates going on as to what ailed, and is ailing, Muslim-majority states. Political economists focus on what currently blocks economic development in the Middle East, for instance lack of support for intellectual freedoms, lack of the rule of law, lack of citizenship rights, lack of entrepreneurship and markets, as well as lack of attention to the multitude of national experiences. 1 Economic historians, on the other hand, have turned their gaze to the past, in particular to the role of mediaeval institutions, Islamic law and religious 1 Defined as "deficits," see successive issues of the Arab Human Development Report. (AHDR).

show abstract

Section: Population Estimates and The Plaguementioning

confidence: 99%

Structural change and economic development in the Islamic Middle East 700–1500: Population levels and property rights

Shatzmiller

2021

Scottish J Political Eco

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…However, there were a number of studies in the economic history of Egypt that examined the problem indirectly. The work of Boaz Shoshan (1983) on grain prices, from which he considerably expanded the data on prices and exchange rates for late medieval Egypt, focused on the role of monetary factors in the economic turbulence of the 1400s. Shoshan was one of a series of scholars-Giles Hennequin (1974), Adel Allouche (1994), Warren Schultz (1998Schultz ( , 2011, and John Meloy ( 2001)-who studied various aspects of the monetary system in the wake of the Black Death.…”

Section: Studying the Economic Impact Of The Black Death In Egyptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Plague Depopulation and Irrigation Decay in Medieval Egypt

Borsch¹

2015

TMG

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Starting with the Black Death, and continuing over the century and a half that followed, plague depopulation brought about the ruin of Egypt’s irrigation system, the motor of its economy. For many generations, the Egyptians who survived the plague therefore faced a tragic new reality: a transformed landscape and way of life significantly worsened by plague, a situation very different from that of plague survivors in Europe. This article looks at the ways in which this transformation took place. It measures the scale and scope of rural depopulation and explains why it had such a significant impact on the agricultural infrastructure and economy.

show abstract

“…However, there were a number of studies in the economic history of Egypt that examined the problem indirectly. The work of Boaz Shoshan (1983) on grain prices, from which he consider ably expanded the data on prices and exchange rates for late medieval Egypt, focused on the role of monetary factors in the economic turbulence of the 1400s. Shoshan was one of a series of scholars-Giles Hennequin (1974), Adel Allouche (1994), Warren Schultz (1998Schultz ( , 2011, and John Meloy ( 2001)-who studied various aspects of the monetary system in the wake of the Black Death.…”

Section: Studying the Economic Impact Of The Black Death In Egyptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World

Symes¹,

Green²

2015

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

I will refer to this as the 2014 outbreak, even though evidence suggests it began in late 2013 and, at the time of writing, gives every sign of continuing well into 2015. GLObE 1 (2014) pp. ix-xx 6 Van der Waals et al. (1986) and Knobloch et al. (1982), neither of which were cited by Schoepp et al. (2014), which found nearly comparable levels of seroprevalence of Ebola antibodies. Cf. Becquart et al. (2010) for a similar study of Gabon based on samples taken in 2006-08. Importantly, scientists have noted for more than a decade that major dieoffs were occurring from Ebola in primate populations in West Central Africa; see Muyembe-Tamfum et al. 2012. Saéz et al. (2014/2015, however, found no evidence of such dieoffs in primate or other nonbat populations in the area of Guinea where the 2014 outbreak is thought to have begun. ThE MEdIEvALxvi PREFACE There is an important trend now in historical studies: not only to move analysis beyond the limits of the nationstate and even the human organ ism, but also to move it into deeper time scales. Although some diseases (like malaria and various kinds of parasites) have likely been with humans for many millennia (e.g., Webb forthcoming), increasing congregations of human populations into urban settlements have amplified the impact of infectious diseases in a shorter timescale, perhaps some 4,000 to 6,000 years, in both the Old World and the New. No definitive shift separates us from that history of increasing urbanization and the networking of human communities through longdistance trade. Granted, the revolution in sci entific understanding of infectious diseases brought about by the great late nineteenthcentury revelations of germ theory did put us on a whole new footing with respect to understanding infectious disease. But only one infectious disease has since been thoroughly eradicated (smallpox). Malaria and tuberculosis are still high on the list of the world's killers; plague, as we have noted, is embedded in the landscapes of four conti nents, still regularly producing outbreaks in Madagascar, Peru, Vietnam, Central Africa, and China; cholera still rears its head in any number of places, most recently in Haiti and Ghana. And for all of these diseases, antibiotic resistance is weakening the arsenal of defenses we have. Ebola's "small" numbers or (currently) limited geography should not, therefore, in any way be dismissed. Rather, we should think of this as a realtime les son in how local diseases become global.Recent comparisons of Ebola and plague have often been accompa nied by an implicit shudder of horror: "How medieval." Yes, the practice of quarantine-so discredited when it was invoked by the Liberian gov ernment in August 2014 in its own capital of Monrovia, and implicitly by many other nations as they closed their borders to travellers from West Africa and cut off air transport-is medieval in its origins, even if prac tices of segregation and exclusion of suspected infectious persons are much older (Grmek 1980). Yes, the sight of bodies being piled in stre...

show abstract

Money Supply and Grain Prices in Fifteenth-Century Egypt

Cited by 33 publications

References 0 publications

Structural change and economic development in the Islamic Middle East 700–1500: Population levels and property rights

Structural change and economic development in the Islamic Middle East 700–1500: Population levels and property rights

Plague Depopulation and Irrigation Decay in Medieval Egypt

Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About