Moditva in India: a threat to inclusive growth and democracy

Tharamangalam, Joseph

doi:10.1080/02255189.2016.1196656

Cited by 14 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…There are reasons to see the current administration under Narendra Modi's leadership, with its strong neo-liberal, pro-business, growth-oriented, disparity-concealing (especially of disadvantaged Dalits, Adivasis, and Muslims) character, as keeping the economics of caste firmly out of policy view (see, for example, Tharamangalam 2016; Jaffrelot 2015). There has been cut-back of the various remedial protections, budget allocations, and programmes earlier extended to Scheduled Castes under the rubric of ‘inclusive growth’ in the Five-Year Plans of the national Planning Commission, which is now replaced by Modi's more technocratic ‘NITI Aayog’ 14 policy think-tank for his goal of market-driven ‘rapid transformation’ focusing on matters such as ‘developing infrastructure for the industrial corridors and markets’ (Engineer 2015).…”

Section: Invisibilizing Caste Economics: the Enclosure Of Caste In Rementioning

confidence: 99%

The Modernity of Caste and the Market Economy

Mosse¹

2019

Mod. Asian Stud.

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What place does the caste system have in modern India with its globally integrating market economy? The most influential anthropological approaches to caste have tended to emphasize caste as India's traditional religious and ritual order, or (treating such order as a product of the colonial encounter) as shaped politically, especially today by the dynamics of caste-based electoral politics. Less attention has been paid to caste effects in the economy. This article argues that the scholarly framing of caste mirrors a public-policy ‘enclosure’ of caste in the non-modern realm of religion and ‘caste politics’, while aligning modernity to the caste-erasing market economy. Village-level fieldwork in South India finds a parallel public narrative of caste either as ritual rank eroded by market relations or as identity politics deflected from everyday economic life. But, locally and nationally, the effects of caste are found to be pervasive in labour markets and the business economy. In the age of the market, caste is a resource, sometimes in the form of a network, its opportunity-hoarding advantages discriminating against others. Dalits are not discriminated by caste as a set of relations separate from economy, but by the very economic and market processes through which they often seek liberation. The caste processes, enclosures, and evasions in post-liberalization India suggest the need to rethink the modernity of caste beyond orientalist and post-colonial frameworks, and consider the presuppositions that shape understanding of an institution, the nature and experience of which are determined by the inequalities and subject positions it produces.

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Section: Invisibilizing Caste Economics: the Enclosure Of Caste In Rementioning

confidence: 99%

The Modernity of Caste and the Market Economy

Mosse¹

2019

Mod. Asian Stud.

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“…What appears to have set the 2017-2018 elections apart from earlier elections is the (selective) move away from development in the campaign (given that jobcreation and economic growth figures were not living up to expectations) to 'Moditva' (a word-play on Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism), in which development sits alongside a narrative of Hindu nationalism (Tharamalangam 2016). Regional variations remain: in some states of the North-East (some of which have large tribal and/or Christian populations) the BJP reiterated its development promise and pledged to use its control of the central government to that effect.…”

Section: Making Sense Of India's 2014 Election Results: the Assertionmentioning

confidence: 99%

India after the 2014 general elections: BJP dominance and the crisis of the third party system

Schakel

Sharma

Swenden

2019

Regional & Federal Studies

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This article critically assesses claims that India has entered a new party system after the 2014 general elections, marked by renationalisation with the BJP as the new 'dominant' party.' To assess these claims, we examine the electoral rise of the BJP in the build-up to and since the 2014 general elections until the state assembly elections in December 2018. Overall, we argue that despite the emerging dominance of the BJP, a core feature of the third party system-a system of binodal interactions-has remained largely intact albeit in a somewhat weaker form. Furthermore, by comparing the post 2014 Indian party system with key electoral features of the first three party systems, we conclude that the rise of the BJP has thrown the third-party system into crisis, but does not yet define the consolidation of a new party system.

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“…Nonetheless, this neo-liberal vision of development, primarily along economic parameters is inherently conservative, disabling the Indian state from translating economic gains into sustainable human development (Tharamangalam 2016). While it brings women out in the public sites of capitalist production it simultaneously monitors and morally polices them through a discourse of protection (Purewal 2018).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Economy of Violence: Gender, Sexuality and SDGs

Thapar‐Björkert¹,

Ranwa²

2016

Transitioning to Gender Equality

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she/her) is Head of the Gender and Diversity Department at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences (SHSS) at the University of St. Gallen. She is a member of the leadership team of the Contextual Studies program at the University of St. Gallen. Since March 2021 she co-leads the nationwide project "Think Tank Gender & Diversity". Additionally, she is a member of the Swiss Association for Gender Studies (SAGS) and of the CEMS Faculty Group on Gender and Diversity Management. Her teaching and her research interests include cultural studies of gender, intersectionality, diversity and inclusion, care economy, queer and affect studies, sexuality, sexual script theory, intimacy, violence, and narrative identity. In her second book on sexuality, affect, and gender, she analyses sexual scripts as palimpsests in theoretical debates and literary texts. The Book appeared in 2020.Dr. Andrea Zimmermann (she/her) is Senior Researcher at the Center for Gender Studies, University of Basel. She received her PhD from the University of Zurich. Since January 2017 she has coordinated the inter-university PhD program, Gender Studies CH, of the Universities of Basel, Bern and Zurich. Andrea Zimmermann is project manager of the literature study 'Gender Equality Measures in Academia' on behalf of the Gender Equality Commission of the SNSF, and project manager of the cooperation project "Gender & Science. Analysing and transforming Gender Structures in the NCCR MSE". Furthermore, her research analyses gender relations in the Swiss cultural sector. Together with Dominique Grisard she founded "Art of Intervention"-a platform for research and collaboration with cultural institutions to foster the dialogue between art and academia. Her research and teaching focuses on gender theory, queer feminist critique, affect studies, diversity and inclusion, masculinity(s), postcolonial theory and psychoanalysis.

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Moditva in India: a threat to inclusive growth and democracy

Cited by 14 publications

References 7 publications

The Modernity of Caste and the Market Economy

The Modernity of Caste and the Market Economy

India after the 2014 general elections: BJP dominance and the crisis of the third party system

The Political Economy of Violence: Gender, Sexuality and SDGs

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