The complex inflectional and derivational morphology of Plains Cree and other Algonquian languages has long been considered from both a synchronic and diachronic perspective (e.g. Bloomfield 1946; Goddard 1974; Oxford 2014). While the composition of some modern Plains Cree stems has been obscured by sound change, they can often still be identified by linguists, and for speakers, many morphemes are available to freely derive new stems. Unlike derivational morphology, the inflectional morphology of Cree is quite regular and lends itself to straightforward description and this has translated to a computational model that can analyze inflected forms of Plains Cree lemmata (e.g. Harrigan et al. forthcoming; Snoek et al. 2014). Though the derivational morphology poses more challenges to model, lists of existing derivational morphemes can be extracted from existing sources and various morphophonological rules have been described (Cook and Muehlbauer 2010; Wolfart 1996; Wolvengrey 2001). However, we can make use of the derivational model to assess how well the rules and morphemes given for Plains Cree apply when tested against lemmas included in available dictionaries. This approach, following Karttunen (2006), allows us to test theoretical descriptions against larger data sets than those used to produce the rules: where the human mind can only make sense of so much data at once, a quantitative approach can take thousands of words into account. In this article, we present the first version of a computational model for Plains Cree derivational morphology, using a weighted finite-state transducer, and discuss its