Modeling Partisan Media Effects in the 2014 U.S. Midterm Elections

Warner, Benjamin R.

doi:10.1177/1077699017712991

Cited by 12 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…Political animus was measured using the feeling thermometer ratings commonly used in political communication research on polarization (e.g., Garrett et al, 2014; Iyengar et al, 2012; Warner, 2017). Following the recommendations of Druckman and Levendusky (2019), we asked participants about members (supporters) of political parties rather than about the parties themselves.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political difference and polarization in the family: The role of (non)accommodating communication for navigating identity differences

Warner

Colaner

Park

2020

Journal of Social and Personal Relationships

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This study joins the relatively modest literature examining the effects of political disagreement in the family. We consider the effects of communication accommodation on shared family identity in the context political disagreement. To do this, we utilize survey responses from a quota-stratified sample of participants in an online panel ( N = 833) taken immediately after the contentious 2016 presidential election. We find that more disagreement and more affective polarization are associated with less communication accommodation and that shared family identity suffers as a result. Furthermore, our findings reveal that respecting divergent values is the most influential communication accommodation strategy and is also among the most adversely affected by political differences in the family. We conclude that political disagreement in the family reduces the likelihood of communication that is respectful of differences in political values, but that this accommodation strategy is crucial to reduce the deleterious consequences that political differences can have on family relationships.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political difference and polarization in the family: The role of (non)accommodating communication for navigating identity differences

Warner

Colaner

Park

2020

Journal of Social and Personal Relationships

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“…This finding supports prior political communication research showing that debates have more upside than downside for candidates (Blais & Perrella, 2008;. In fact, debates often lead to more increases in ingroup candidate evaluations than decreases in out-group candidate evaluations (Warner et al, 2018). Similar findings were observed here, with positive changes for in-group evaluations having a greater effect size than negative changes for out-group candidate evaluations.…”

Section: Political Brandingsupporting

confidence: 90%

“…The results were strongest for out-group negative associations, a sign of negative partisanship (Iyengar et al, 2012;Mason, 2018), although nationalized involvement also generated more positive in-group associations as well. These results echo a study by Warner (2018), who found that the use of national partisan media promoted in-group increases and out-group decreases in candidate favorability during a mid-term Senate campaign (p. 13). In my study, feelings of national involvement did the same with candidate thoughts.…”

Section: Involvementsupporting

confidence: 83%

“…My third core contribution is related to the second in that nationalized involvement, in the form of the variable (not the conditions) was a significant predictor of not only more positive in-group candidate brand associations but also more negative out-group brand associations. This has implications for polarization as well as media promotion for states featuring high-stakes Senate races (Warner, 2018).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Battles for branding : political marketing and U.S. Senate debates

Bramlett¹

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Televised political debates, as two-sided information flows, are dynamic political communication events that inform, persuade, and entertain voters. Political debates provide candidates the opportunity to brand themselves to voters, and political marketing provides a framework with which to analyze communication effects and how voters process and retain information in memory. Through an analysis of survey responses from participants who viewed a 2018 U.S. Senate debate, the current study incorporates a political marketing perspective to analyze how televised political debates influence voters' brand associations toward candidates. My results led me to develop the concept of Debate Branding, where participating in a debate is more likely to generate positive brand associations with supporters than it is to generate negative brand associations with detractors. Each of the debating candidates in this study saw more positive in-group associations than negative out-group associations, highlighting the power of debates as branding opportunities. Moreover, brand favorability, i.e., how many positive or negative thoughts individuals had toward candidates, was a significant predictor of candidate evaluations. Additionally, respondents offered far more brand associations about the candidates as people than they did about the policy positions or party affiliation of the candidates. This finding contributes to the literature on candidate image and issues in political communication. Debates, as persuasive events, can produce cognitive involvement in voters. Through an experimental design, my study explored how involvement influenced the brand associations of viewers. I found that personal relevance remains a core path to involvement, while also finding tentative, yet intriguing support for a new path to involvement in political messages: nationalized partisan involvement. Cognitive involvement, in the form of brand associations, was highest when a debate was both personally relevant and nationalized. This has implications for the modern political media and electoral environment.Televised political debates are largely studied at the presidential level and there is a corresponding paucity of literature on the effects of viewing Senate debates. I found that viewing a televised U.S. Senate debate promoted information acquisition, had substantive influences on attitudes such as political information efficacy, candidate evaluations, intention to vote for a candidate, and intention to vote in the midterm elections, and had marginal influences on political cynicism and interest. These findings have implications for educators, television programmers, political campaigns, and civic groups across the country. Presidential debates are not the only debates that have positive democratic outcomes.

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“…However, it was unclear in what direction political interest and affective polarization would influence partisan effects on EU attitudes. Political interest has been shown to increase news consumption from both pro‐partisan and cross‐cutting media in US context (Warner, 2018). We hypothesized that EU attitudes are influenced by traditional worldviews, but also interpret it as the social manifestation of a novel ideological cleavage (conceptually separate from the traditional left‐right division).…”

Section: The Roots Of Euroscepticism: Theoretical Framework and Hypot...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

Bíró‐Nagy,

Szászi

2024

Sociology Compass

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This paper has put forward a new indicator based on the “ABC‐model” of attitudes designed to capture individual‐level Euroscepticism. We constructed a composite anti‐EU score based on affective, behavioural and cognitive sub‐indices. The study analyses data from a representative, countrywide Hungarian public opinion research. Looking for the drivers of anti‐EU attitudes, we took an integrative approach linking various theories of voting behaviour, Euroscepticism and populism studies. Our research showed that subjective well‐being significantly reduces anti‐EU attitudes. We found some empirical support for the “left behind thesis” in the Hungarian context, as severe economic grievances and fear of losing social status explained anti‐EU attitudes. Authoritarian traits turned out to be a major driver of Euroscepticism in Hungary. We proved that cosmopolitan values reduce affective and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes, but foreign experience and some international ties significantly correlated with anti‐EU stance. We confirmed that being a supporter of the governing Fidesz party and sharing culturally right‐wing political views significantly increase anti‐EU attitudes. We also revealed that partisanship's effect is strengthened by affective polarization and political interest.

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Modeling Partisan Media Effects in the 2014 U.S. Midterm Elections

Cited by 12 publications

References 41 publications

Political difference and polarization in the family: The role of (non)accommodating communication for navigating identity differences

Political difference and polarization in the family: The role of (non)accommodating communication for navigating identity differences

Battles for branding : political marketing and U.S. Senate debates

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

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