Mobilization, Participation, and Solidaridad

Abstract

This article tests multiple hypotheses regarding participation in the 2006 immigration rallies in American cities. Specifically, the authors test whether the movement was widespread among Latinos or limited to Mexican immigrants, as speculated by the media, or whether group solidarity can be credited with mobilizing participation and support of Latino citizens for a largely immigrant cause. The consistent findings using both qualitative and quantitative approaches provide robust support for the conclusion that Latino support for the protests was strong across the population as a strong sense of solidarity unified the population around the immigration issue.

Do restrictive omnibus immigration laws reduce enrollment in public health insurance by Latino citizen children? A comparative interrupted time series study

“…However, we conducted sensitivity analyses limiting the sample to children who would have been income-eligible, based on previous year’s income (79% of the sample). We also restricted the sample to Mexican-origin children (68% of the sample), who are the most likely to have undocumented parents (Barreto et al, 2009). To rule out the possibility that our findings were biased by intra-household correlation among children in the same household, we limited the sample to one randomly-selected child per household.…”

“…In response to county-level immigration enforcement laws implemented between 2006 and 2010, immigrant rights groups intensified their voter mobilization efforts, and Latino voter turnout increased (White, 2016). For Latinos, a confluence of racially charged immigration laws and grass-roots community organizing by CBOs is a particularly potent driver of political mobilization and resistance (Barreto et al, 2009; Benjamin-Alvarado et al, 2009; Pedraza and Zhu, 2013). Both of these factors were present when omnibus laws passed (Jiménez, 2011; Koralek et al, 2009; Quiroga et al, 2014).…”

The bi-national road to immigrant rights mobilization: states, social movements and Chicago's Mexican hometown associations

“…In general terms, studies of the mobilizations in 2006 do recognize the threat posed by the Sensenbrenner Bill as a major catalyst of immigrant unity and contention (Cordero-Guzman et al 2008;Barreto et al 2009;BenjaminAlvarado, DeSipio, and Montoya 2009;Pallares and Flores-Gonzalez 2010). Yet there has not been much discussion of why the Sensenbrenner threat was catalytic, nor any in-depth exploration of the longer-term political processes that might have shaped how migrant rights organizations came to understand their own political capacities or their potential to influence US immigration politics in 2006.…”

(Re)Bordering the Civic Imaginary: Rhetoric, Hybridity, and Citizenship inLa Gran Marcha

“…Though surveys indicate that, overall, second and even third generation Latina/os were just as likely to participate as immigrants in the nationwide marches of 2006, it is impossible to tell how many of the protestors in LGM were citizens and how many were undocumented. 95 More to the point, in LGM the voices of citizens and documented immigrants became intertwined with the struggles of undocumented immigrants for rights and recognition. Physically speaking, citizens and non-citizens stood next to one another, together enacting their hybrid identities as racialized citizens.…”

“…As Barreto et al argue, ''There was a history of consciousness and viable mobilizing structures that proved instrumental in facilitating the logistics and in forming the necessary frames'' of the protests. 25 The varied organizations mobilizing to resist H.R. 4437 and the Minutemen were operating in the rhetorical legacy of Chicana/o and Latina/o political mobilization, including the Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s, the agricultural and labor mobilization of groups like the UFW, 26 and opposition to anti-Latino initiatives of the late 1980s and early 1990s (such as Proposition 187 and English Only).…”