Mnisose

Howe, Craig; Young, Tyler

doi:10.5749/j.ctvr695pq.11

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…After Ferguson, after Standing Rock, after the Black Lives Matter protests, after the crisis of refugees at the US southern border, there have been renewed calls for a racial reckoning in US anthropology (Allen and Jobson 2016; Birkett and Montoya 2019; Bishara and Schiller 2017; Daswani 2021; De León 2012, 2013, 2015; Dhillon 2019, 2021; Dick 2019; Dorsey and Diaz‐Barriga 2010; Estes and Dhillon 2019; Grande et al. 2019; Han and Antrosio 2019; Heyman, Morales, and Núñez 2009; Howe and Young 2019; Huson and Spice 2019; Jobson 2020; McGuire 2013; Nelson 2021; Powell and Draper 2020; Rosa and Bonilla 2017; Spradley 2014; TallBear 2019). The relation between the feelings of dissatisfaction on the domestic front parallel an unease over US anthropology's failure to adequately address militarism, imperialism, and predatory capitalism abroad (Al‐Bulushi, Ghosh, and Tahir 2020; Boswell and Nyamnjoh 2016; Gusterson 2007; Gusterson and Price 2005; McGranahan and Collins 2018; Nyoka 2019; Olien 1985; Price 2002; Whitehead 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decolonizing US anthropology

Gupta

Stoolman

2022

American Anthropologist

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After Ferguson, Standing Rock, the Black Lives Matter protests, and the crisis of refugees at the US southern border, there have been renewed calls for a racial reckoning in US anthropology. Dissatisfaction on the domestic front runs parallel to an unease over US anthropology's failure to adequately address militarism, imperialism, and predatory capitalism abroad. Finally, there is the fraught question of US anthropology's oversized influence within world anthropologies. We propose that a reassessment of US anthropology might fruitfully begin with some counterfactual history. How would US anthropology been different had the founding generations conceptualized the discipline as a decolonizing project? What topics or themes might have become central to US anthropology? How might our methods have been different? To make anthropology departments more diverse, inclusive, and equitable, we need to do more than add faculty and students of color. Despite being a field whose central concept is "culture," we have paid far too little attention to the culture of anthropology departments. Do unexamined practices of "white-norming" that shape the everyday lives of faculty and students in anthropology departments persistently "Other"-marginalize and alienate-people of color?

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decolonizing US anthropology

Gupta

Stoolman

2022

American Anthropologist

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“…The Oceti Sakowin Nation has a long history of being defined by Mnisose, or the Missouri River, and holds a long legacy of fighting for water rights and protection along the river. The 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty declared the Oceti Sakowin Nation's lands to be defined by specific boundaries surrounding a tract that included what is now South Dakota, parts of Nebraska, Wyoming, Montana, and North Dakota (Howe and Young 2019). The Northern boundary began where the Heart River joins the Missouri River, and the Eastern boundary was set at the east bank of the Missouri River along the low-water mark.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Politics of coalition at Standing Rock

Grossman¹

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My research examines the politics of coalition surrounding the 2016-17 Standing Rock movement, led by Oceti Sakowin Tribal members, on the borders of the Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota to stop the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL). The movement resisted the pipeline in the name of water protection, Indigenous sovereignty, protection of sacred burial grounds, treaty rights, climate justice, and more. Approximately ten months into the movement, it was halted by the US federal government and the pipeline was installed. This study engages with a range of qualitative methods, including in-depth interviews with activists and content analysis of documents from TigerSwan, a private military and security contractor hired to surveil the movement. Findings show that for activists in the camps, placework, or place-based protest, strengthened coalition work across social differences, and enacted a "call and response" form of politics, based on shared callings to protect and shared critical responses to settler colonial-capital culture, specifically dispossession of land and property. Challenges in coalition work amongst activists were rooted in US settler colonial-informed racialized hierarchies of power, which perpetuate white supremacy and privilege. Finally, the militarized coalitional responses of public and private forces, specifically the use of racialized ideologies, militarized tactics and operations, and overt violent actions and arrests, was excessive, generated a diffusion of accountability, and inflicted harm and trauma upon activists at Standing Rock.

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“…Tribal lands have been and will continue to be the site of largescale public works projects of national importance (e.g., natural resource extraction), and yet the negative impacts of such projects continue to be borne disproportionately by local populations. Numerous examples exist within living memory, from the permanent inundation of Native towns and agricultural land following the construction of several dams along the Missouri River in the 1950s [9], to the bulldozing of Arikara burial sites during the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline in 2016. It is likely that such destructive outcomes could have been avoided by the inclusion of a Native cohort of engineers involved in the planning and execution of such projects, and this imperative will continue to be a pressing need in the future, as tribal lands encompass up to 20 percent of the known natural gas and oil reserves within the United States [10].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%