Missing persons: Young children's talk about absent members of their social network

2022

First Language

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Research on the development of children’s decontextualized language has focused primarily on their references to events displaced in time. Here, we examine children’s early emerging ability to talk about individuals who are elsewhere and therefore not participating in the conversation. We analyzed the references made by three Mandarin-speaking children aged 20–40 months to absent members of their social network. Even in the earliest period of the study (20–26 months), children produced a considerable number of such references, with the majority initiated either fully or partially by the children themselves. Thus, children were not simply echoing references made by their interlocutors. These early references often expressed attachment-related concerns with respect to absent family members. For example, children expressed a desire for the absent family member, called out their name, or asked about their location. Over time, however, they talked about absent individuals, including family members, in a more neutral or reflective fashion, commenting on their characteristics and activities. The findings highlight the early emergence of references that are displaced in space from the utterance context.

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 54%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 61%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

Talking about people who are not there: Children’s early references to absent caregivers and absent friends

Zeng

2022

First Language

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Young children share imagined possibilities: evidence for an early-emerging human competence

2022

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

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Children's ability to reason about junctures leading to two different destinations emerges slowly, with convergent evidence for a conceptual watershed at approximately 4 years. Young children and great apes misrepresent such junctures, planning for only one expected outcome. However, singular possibilities, as opposed to two mutually exclusive possibilities, are readily imagined, shared and acted upon by 2- and 3-year-olds. Analysis of three domains supports this claim. First, 2- and 3-year-olds respond appropriately to pretend spatial displacements enacted for them by a play partner. Second, they not only respond accurately to claims regarding an alleged but unwitnessed spatial displacement, they also ask their interlocutors about the possible whereabouts of missing objects and absent persons. Third, in ordinary conversation, they appropriately mark some of their assertions as possibilities rather than actualities. In summary, although the ability to reason about mutually inconsistent possibilities develops slowly in the preschool years, the ability to imagine and share information about possibilities is evident among 2- and 3-year-olds. Nothing comparable has been observed in great apes. Young children's ability to entertain shared possibilities diverges from that of non-human primates well before any potential watershed at 4 years with respect to the understanding of mutually exclusive possibilities. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Thinking about possibilities: mechanisms, ontogeny, functions and phylogeny’.

Young children’s representation of people who are elsewhere—Or dead

International Journal of Behavioral Development

2022

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Given the legacy of John Bowlby, Attachment theory has often portrayed separation from a caregiver as likely to provoke protest, despair, and ultimately detachment in infants and young children. Indeed, the emotional challenge of separation is built into a key measurement tool of Attachment theory, the Strange Situation. However, James Robertson, one of Bowlby’s leading collaborators, voiced dissent. He argued that young children can cope with separations—even when they last for several days or weeks. They are able to keep the absent person in mind provided an alternative, familiar caregiver remains available. Observational and experimental findings lend support to Robertson’s claim. Recent analyses of natural language provide further support. Although young toddlers (ranging from 20 to 26 months) often make contact- or attachment-related comments about absent caregivers, such comments become less frequent with age whereas reflective references to absent caregivers—comments that do not express contact-related concerns about their absence—are often produced by young toddlers and remain frequent throughout early childhood. Children’s early-emerging ability to keep an absent attachment figure in mind raises intriguing questions about their responses to the permanent absence of an attachment figure—as in the case of death. Consistent with contemporary research showing that many grieving adults report continuing bonds to a deceased attachment figure—rather than a gradual process of emotional detachment—children also report such continuing bonds. By implication, children and adults are prone to construe the death of a loved one not just as a biological endpoint that terminates the possibility of any continuing relationship but instead as a departure that can be bridged by a continuation of the earlier bond in an altered form.