Missing persons, reconciliation and the view from below: a case study of Bosnia‐Hercegovina

Abstract

When the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) ended in 1995, there were an estimated 30,000 missing people, of which over 10,000 are still missing. The issue of missing persons, however, is surprisingly under-researched. Particularly understudied, moreover, is the relationship between missing persons and reconciliation, or rather the impact of the former on the latter. This is a gap that this article seeks to address. Based on 21 semi-structured interviews with families of the missing, it aims to demonstrate that missing persons constitute a potentially important obstacle to reconciliation in BiH and, by extension, that some of the main challenges to building reconciliation can be found at the grassroots level. The article's central argument, therefore, is that the view from below is critical to understanding reconciliation and some of the many difficulties that it presents in post-conflict societies such as BiH.

How developments in the science and technology of searching, recovering and identifying the missing/ disappeared are positively affecting the rights of victims around the world

“…A variety of new and improved scientific and technological techniques have been used to identify the remains. 12 Various items found in the graves, including clothing, papers and other objects, were used to assist the processes of human identification and of determining when the atrocities occurred, how, by whom they were perpetrated and a variety of other questions.…”

Graves and Redress: Families of the Missing Persons and the ‘Srebrenica Effect’

“…The 2004 Law defined the missing persons as individuals ‘about whom their family has no information and/or are reported missing based on reliable information because of the armed conflict that happened on the territory of the former SFRY’. 3 Families of missing persons share victimization of what some called ‘ambiguous loss’, caught between the past and the future without knowing whether their loved ones are dead or alive and without the ability to bury their bodies and mourn over their graves (Clark, 2010 , p. 431). Anthropological work in Bosnia by Sarah Wagner but also previous work from Latin America has shown that entire families are affected by the absence of closure after the disappearance of a family member (O’Keeffe, 2009 ; Stover & Weinstein, 2004 ; Wagner, 2008 ).…”

“…The main conflict was about the method of its financing. The RS government refused to agree on a proportional contribution to the Fund, worried that its contributions would have to be much higher as most of the mass graves were located on its territory (Clark, 2010 , pp. 5–6).…”

‘Quiet’ Transitional Justice: ‘Publicness’, Trust and Legitimacy in the Search for the ‘Disappeared’

“…In transitional contexts, trust often requires rebuilding relationships distorted by violence and suffering. Gaining trust can help people to heal and trusting the ‘other’ can serve as a basis for reconciliation (Clark, 2010; Staub, 2006). For Lederach (1997), reconciliation is about relationships, with interdependence a requirement for a peaceful future.…”

“…Locating the bodies of the ‘disappeared’ was one way in which the Republican Movement could demonstrate its commitment to peace (Dempster, 2016, 2019) and, in so doing, enhance its recategorisation in the eyes of their opponents. In divided societies internationally, continuing uncertainty over the fate of missing persons can fuel mistrust between communities (Clark, 2010). Alternatively, finding a solution to these issues can help to build trust (Kovras, 2012).…”