Minor parties and protest votes in Australia and New Zealand: locating populist politics

Denemark, David; Bowler, Shaun

doi:10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00034-2

Cited by 92 publications

(28 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…When attempting to account for the increased relevance of minor parties, academics have advanced several explanations. Some interpret the rise of minor parties as primarily an outlet of voters' dissatisfaction with existing political choice and/or the functioning of the political system more broadly (Belanger 2004;Denemark and Bowler 2002;Poguntke 1996). Belanger argues that whereas the former attitude (i.e.…”

Section: The Growing Significance Of Minor Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Brindle

MacMillan

2017

JLAC

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This paper combines corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis methodologies in order to investigate the discourses and cyber activism of the British right-wing nationalist party, Britain First. A study of a corpus of texts produced by elite members of the group reveals a racist, xenophobic stance which constructs Islam and Muslims as the radical, dangerous ‘Other’. This creates a discourse of fear that threatens the way of life of the indigenous in-group of the British people. An investigation of the cyber activity of the group demonstrates that Britain First is able to achieve a significant amount of following on social media by publishing populist material that veils their true nature or ideological stance.

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Section: The Growing Significance Of Minor Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Brindle

MacMillan

2017

JLAC

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“…The rigid division between politics and the affective has led to attempts in political science to model a 'populist attitude', in order to section off and account for how the emotional rises to the surface in voter behaviour, when the coherent pragmatic subject should be acting in their own rational interests (Denemark & Bowler 2002;Rooduijn 2014). Denemark & Bowler (2002), in comparing the rise of One Nation Party in Australia and New Zealand First, categorise those parties as associated with 'extremist' issues such as immigration and aid for indigenous minorities.…”

Section: Populism As Irrational and Dangerous: A Continuation Of Two mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Denemark & Bowler (2002), in comparing the rise of One Nation Party in Australia and New Zealand First, categorise those parties as associated with 'extremist' issues such as immigration and aid for indigenous minorities. Thus, a voter attitude that supports these parties is related to a new form of politics; one that is distinct from the rational materialism of the 'major' parties of left and right, and which is guided by the negative emotions of fear and aggression.…”

Section: Populism As Irrational and Dangerous: A Continuation Of Two mentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism as a fantasmatic rupture in the post-political order: integrating Laclau with Glynos and Stavrakakis

Salter

2016

Kōtuitui: New Zealand Journal of Social Sciences Online

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The recent challenges of populist movements to the 'postdemocratic horizon' in Greece and elsewhere have highlighted its possibilities as a political force able to mount a challenge to the technocratic logics of the neoliberal consensus. The theoretical perspective of Ernesto Laclau, which focuses on the rhetorical act of naming 'the people' and extrinsic representative form over intrinsic content, thus becomes increasingly valuable to explore such possibilities and to account for the current ubiquity of populist articulations both here in New Zealand and further afield. However, the need to clarify and iron out any inconsistencies in Laclau's approach also increases, and the main task of this article is to raise the consideration of how it could be supplemented by, and articulated with, the Lacanian psychoanalytic concepts of fantasy and jouissance. Analysis of a selection of John Key's populist articulations in the New Zealand media, and photographs from Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) protests, reveal that both forms of populist articulation, while constructing very different visions of 'the people', hinge on the fantasmatic representation of an other; an antagonistic power who steals our enjoyment. However, I conclude that a normative assessment of populist articulations is both possible and necessary.ARTICLE HISTORY

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“…In attempting to explain an apparently anomalous high probability of being postmaterialist for ONP supporters at the 1998 House of Representatives election, Denemark and Bowler (2002) suggest that national identity is still a non-materialist concern, although it is not among Inglehart's materialist-postmaterialist items. As noted above, while Inglehart argues that the postmodern dimension of politics is strongly associated with the postmaterialism-materialism divide, he does also recognise that a broader consideration of postmodern politics will sometimes be necessary.…”

Section: Postmodernismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In one of the earliest significant analyses, Gow (1990: 60) uses data from the 1990 Australian Election Study (McAllister et al 1990) to argue that "by and large, there is no regular pattern of differences between the two polar Charnock (1999) and Denemark and Bowler (2002), and later in this paper. In what follows, we will relate our work to some of the previous Australian research mentioned above by beginning with an examination of the relationships between voting and measures of postmaterialism, but will later extend our analysis to include a broader consideration of postmodern politics.…”

Section: Australian Political Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Postmaterialism and postmodernization in Australian electoral politics

Charnock

Ellis

2004

Electoral Studies

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; he would like to thank those institutions for their hospitality. We also thank Kay Fisher and the journal's reviewers for helpful comments on earlier drafts. The work was partly supported by Australian Research Council Large Grant A79938063. . Postmaterialism and Postmodernization in Australian electoral politics, Electoral Studies, 23(1):45-72. Postmaterialism and Postmodernization in Australian electoral politics AbstractIn this paper we explore recent Australian electoral politics using both Inglehart's ideas on postmaterialism and also a broader conception of postmodern attitudes. We begin by demonstrating that the widely-used postmaterialism measure based on Inglehart's fouritem question gives completely counterintuitive results for the most recent significant Australian party, the One Nation Party. This appears to support Warwick's argument that this measure actually reveals pro-democracy propensity. Subsequently, we develop a much broader measure of postmodern attitudes and use this in conjunction with an index of left-right attitudes to explore the positioning of party supporters in the resulting twodimensional space and the practical consequences of this. Among other things, this demonstrates that a single left-right dimension is inadequate to describe the positioning of minor parties in particular, but that it is overall of more significance in predicting vote than is the postmodern dimension.

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Minor parties and protest votes in Australia and New Zealand: locating populist politics

Cited by 92 publications

References 13 publications

Like & share if you agree

Like & share if you agree

Populism as a fantasmatic rupture in the post-political order: integrating Laclau with Glynos and Stavrakakis

Postmaterialism and postmodernization in Australian electoral politics

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