Military rule in The Gambia: An interim assessment

Wiseman, John A.

doi:10.1080/01436599615182

Cited by 22 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…Yet, due to a weak military, at least compared to its much more powerful neighbour Senegal, the country has historically engaged in diplomatic instead of military means to resolve conflicts, given the constant threat that a foreign military could easily dominate the Gambia armed forces. Presence of Senegalese military in the Gambia has shown this in the past (Hartmann 2017;Wiseman 1996). Senegal and Senegalese military forces were also critical in ousting Jammeh.…”

Section: Comparative Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 94%

“…Rather, long-standing peaceful relations between ethnic groups and the absence of clear regional divisions between them have rendered ethnic identity and allegiances less important. It has been reported that Gambians feel more connected to fellow Gambians of different ethnicities than to people of their own ethnicity in other countries (Senghor 2008;Wiseman 1996). Religious freedom is enshrined in the Gambia's constitution and cherished in the population where intermarriage is accepted and practised (Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor 2016a).…”

Section: Comparative Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Religious discrimination and religious armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa: an obvious relationship?

Basedau

Schaefer-Kehnert

2018

Religion, State and Society

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Relative deprivation theory suggests that discrimination increases the risk of violence. While religious armed conflicts have been increasing in sub-Saharan Africa, effects of religious discrimination have rarely been investigated. Using the new Religion and State dataset and other sources, this contribution investigates this question in a two-level analysis. The analysis yields three main results. First, religious discrimination has been increasing over the last 15 years but in interregional comparison sub-Saharan Africa has a low level of discrimination. Second, at the crosscountry level there is a significant correlation between religious discrimination and armed conflict over religious content. Third, looking closer at four pertinent country cases (the Comoros, the Gambia, Mali and Mauritania) reveals that discrimination is probably not a direct driver of religious conflicts. High levels of discrimination are embedded in problematic state-religion relations and existing cleavages become mobilised along religious lines through transnational influences and geography.

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Section: Comparative Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 94%

Section: Comparative Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Religious discrimination and religious armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa: an obvious relationship?

Basedau

Schaefer-Kehnert

2018

Religion, State and Society

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“…67 While civilians were appointed to many of the ministerial and cabinet positions, decisions were regularly issued through military decrees, of which at least 70 were made in the first two years following the coup. 68 After twenty-six months in power, Jammeh retired from the military and was elected as president of The Gambia in 1996. Even before this election he had begun to replace his public image as a military commander in fatigues with one of a religious figure in traditional robes.…”

Section: New Leadership With New Emphasis On the Gafmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…71 Additionally, the Gambia Army Revolving Loan Scheme was developed to provide cheap loans to soldiers. 72 Military personnel were offered educational opportunities and security forces received special treatment over the allocation of land for residential purposes. 73 The NATAG contingent that had been unpopular within the military under Jawara left The Gambia following the coup.…”

Section: New Leadership With New Emphasis On the Gafmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fragmented forces: The development of the Gambian military

Dwyer¹

2017

African Security Review

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“…See also Gordillo (2006), who is similarly skeptical of a single-minded focus on the denotation and material aspect of identification papers. 4 For more information on the political and human rights situation of the Gambia, see, for example, Hultin (2007), Saine (2002), and Wiseman (1996). 5 In the Gambia, general registration drives are conducted in the lead-up to elections.…”

Section: Biographical N Otementioning

confidence: 99%

Voter Registration Cards, Political Subjectivity, and Trust in Paper in the Gambia

Hultin¹

2008

Journal of Legal Anthropology

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This article examines the voter registration card and the social context of voter registrations in the Gambia, West Africa. Drawing on recent ethnographies of documents and using data on worries over foreigners’ efforts to fraudulently obtain voter registration cards, a public information campaign on the Gambian electoral process, international legal material on the Gambian democracy, and observations at voter registration stations, the article argues that the voter registration card delineates not only a national subject but also a generic political subject. This subject is characterized by a commitment to a bureaucratic process and an appreciation of the card as an official identification document inseparable from the person it identifies. The article also considers how the voter registration process allows Gambians to compare their experiences to citizens of other countries. In a political context of an authoritarian government and a weak rule of law, this comparison offers an ideal of a modern democratic state that both enables criticism of the Gambia’s present situation and confirms the centrality of a generic political subject to the realization of that ideal.

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Military rule in The Gambia: An interim assessment

Cited by 22 publications

References 1 publication

Religious discrimination and religious armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa: an obvious relationship?

Religious discrimination and religious armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa: an obvious relationship?

Fragmented forces: The development of the Gambian military

Voter Registration Cards, Political Subjectivity, and Trust in Paper in the Gambia

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