Migration distances: An international comparison

Long, Larry; Tucker, C. Jack; Urton, William L.

doi:10.2307/2061327

Cited by 66 publications

(38 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…A journey of 25 miles at the most converts any native of Rutland into a "migrant," whilst a native of Yorkshire to place himself into the same position might have to travel as many as 95 miles." (Ravenstein, 1885:168) Since then a number of studies have shown that there is a strong deterrent of distance to migration flows (see e.g., Makower et al, 1938;1939;Hägerstrand, 1957;Olsson, 1965;Long et al, 1988a;1988b), and because migration is still almost exclusively defined by administrative borders, the problems identified over a century ago are equally valid today.…”

Section: Theory and Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

On Distance and the Spatial Dimension in the Definition of Internal Migration

Niedomysl

Fransson²

2014

Annals of the Association of American Geographers

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Migration is commonly defined by a temporal and a spatial dimension. It is generally agreed that these dimensions are problematic and may seriously distort understanding of migration, but data constraints have effectively obstructed further insights. This article focuses on the spatial dimension where migration is typically defined as movement across administrative borders. Borders usually serve as proxies for migration distance, but the validity of such proxies is largely unknown, posing a considerable challenge to migration research. Using data for all internal migrants in Sweden, the only known country where migration distances are available in sufficient detail, we present the first accurate description of actual migration distances and investigate the relationship between actual migration distances and migrationdefining boundaries. More specifically, we examine how a) the volumes of migration and b) the characteristics of migrants change when migration distances vary and when different types of migration-defining boundaries are employed. The findings show that notable shares of short-distance migrants are included almost regardless of which migration-defining boundary is employed, but migrant differentials are less affected than might be expected.

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Section: Theory and Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

On Distance and the Spatial Dimension in the Definition of Internal Migration

Niedomysl

Fransson²

2014

Annals of the Association of American Geographers

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“…Long, Tucker, and Urton (1988) report the results of an analysis of the 1979 and 1980 Health Interview Surveys, which contain information on distance between current residence and the respondent's residence 3 yr earlier. For those respondents that moved only once during the 3-yr period (a group comprising approximately three-fourths of all who moved at least once during the 3-yr period), they find the median migration distance to be just over 10 km, or 6.2 miles.…”

Section: Four Myths About Mobility and Migration In The United Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effects of migration on the detection of geographic differences in disease risk

Rogerson¹,

Han²

2002

Social Science & Medicine

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Human migration can make it more difficult to detect geographic differences in disease risk because of the spatial diffusion of people originally exposed in a given geographic area. There are also situations where migration can facilitate the detection of disease attributable to environmental hazards. This paper assesses the effects that migration has on the ability to detect regional variability in disease risk. Several characteristics of migration are discussed, including some that are not widely known. Because of regional variations in mobility rates and other characteristics of the migration process, there is substantial regional variation in the ability to detect spatial variation in risk. r

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“…Other studies have emphasized on comparisons between countries (Long 1991), migration distance (Long et al 1988), age structures (Castro and Rogers 1981), and other demographic characteristics (Long 1992). More recently, the 1999 United Nations World Monitoring Report (2000) Although most often people who move are attracted by better income opportunities, there other reasons why people relocate.…”

Section: Relocation In a Broader Perspective: Mobility In Other Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Entity/Event-Level Sentiment Detection and Inference

Deng

2015

Proceedings of the 2015 Conference of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Student Rese

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Turnout has decreased in 23 out of 36 established democracies since 1945. Among all worldwide cases Costa Rica is a good laboratory for studying turnout oscillations. During three decades between 1958 and 1994, political participation average rates remained high in a comparative perspective. Following that trend, one would easily predict that individuals socialized during that period of time must replicate automatically their parents' and grandparents' levels of high political activism. However, turnout patterns in the country since 1998 do not fit very well in that story.Older voters are no longer voting at the rates they usually did and the younger are entering into politics during times of lower participation. The combination of these two factors can have big deleterious and long-lasting effects on turnout trends.Estimating the causal relationship between consecutive voting decisions has proven to be intrinsically difficult for social scientists. Drawing on an exceptionally rich and unique turnout dataset and a mixed-methods approach that includes longitudinal multivariate analysis, face-toface interviews and geospatial statistics this contribution seeks to explain why in Costa Rica, currently the oldest and most stable democracy in Latin America, turnout has declined? And more importantly: what factors drive these changes? v Individual characteristics, although still relevant in static theories regarding turnout determinants, have proved to be insufficient for understanding why individuals' turnout behavior varies over time. Instead, I theorize that the partisan (group) identity that makes people turn out because they are loyal to the party in a context of conflict produces stronger motivation but it is activated selectively, and it only works in a context of "threat" or polarized deliberation.Nevertheless, these incentives may change over time, they may increase or decrease under certain circumstances impacting turnout. Essentially, the more polarized the electoral competition, the easier it will be for citizens to cast their vote.A polarized deliberation, the key factor in my causal story, creates the conditions for the activation of strong partisan identities that stimulate voters' mobilization to the polls. Therefore, During the course of my fieldwork in Costa Rica, I accumulated many debts. I especially thank all the persons I contacted for the interviews and accepted to share their experiences with me. These interviews were crucial for my research project. Without the knowledge I compiled in these conversations I would not be able to develop the theoretical argument of chapter 6.In Pitt, I was also fortunate to share time with several great friends. (Carlin et.al. 2015).The worst case scenario would be one in which this pattern could extend individuals' apathy toward politics during lifetime, causing low turnout to freeze for decades. Therefore, if we want to understand the implications of turnout decline in established democracies, we first need to comprehend the conditions under which these chang...

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Migration distances: An international comparison

Cited by 66 publications

References 8 publications

On Distance and the Spatial Dimension in the Definition of Internal Migration

On Distance and the Spatial Dimension in the Definition of Internal Migration

The effects of migration on the detection of geographic differences in disease risk

Entity/Event-Level Sentiment Detection and Inference

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