Migrants with insecure legal status and access to work: the role of ethnic solidarity networks

Abstract

Purpose Building upon previous studies on the factors shaping undocumented migrants’ experiences on the host labour markets, the purpose of this paper is to expand the theoretical understanding of labour market participation and ethnic solidarity networks, accounting for the sending context of war and political persecution, and the trajectory to irregularity. Design/methodology/approach This paper extends the understanding of the role of ethnic solidarity networks on the labour market participation of migrants with insecure legal status. It draws on data from a questionnaire survey of 178 Iraqi-Kurdish migrants with insecure legal status, four focus groups and ten expert interviews. Working conditions and sectors of employment are explored alongside strategies for accessing work and the role of ethnic solidarity networks. Findings The analysis of the data provides strong support for the theoretical expectations outlined above, assuming that the conflict-generated diaspora communities display a very distinct solidarity among its members, embedded in a shared history of conflict, persecution and identity struggles. Ethnic solidarity is put to the ultimate test in times of intensified enforcement of employment and immigration law. It stretches to accommodate the risks that employers take to provide work to their insecure co-ethnics, facing the tangible threat of raids, business closure, defamation and colossal fines, to mention but a few. In this context, the authors have defined “stretched solidarity” as a form of support and resource sharing among certain conflict-generated ethnic groups, embedded not only within a shared history of displacement, collective memory and trauma, and shared culture, language, loyalties, obligations and experiences but also in the “reception context”, which may limit ethnic solidarity through restrictive immigration controls. Research limitations/implications The authors recognise the limits of the paper, which are that analysis is mainly based on experiences of the majority of whom were young and male migrants with insecure migration legal status, rather than employers. Social implications This paper has identified the social phenomenon of “stretched solidarity” and has set out a model for understanding its embeddedness within conflict-generated diasporic networks. By drawing together research insights and data on Iraqi-Kurdish migrants with insecure legal status, it addressed the central research question how “unauthorised” migrants get access to the segmented labour market at a time of increased in-border controls in the UK. Originality/value The paper contributes towards an enhanced understanding of the complex phenomenon of “stretched solidarity” and its role in migrants’ gaining access to and maintaining employment in the host labour market. The notion of “stretched solidarity” developed here provides a platform for identifying a number of emerging areas for further empirical study and policy thinking. This requires advanced research not only into the processes of migrants’ access to the host labour market but also into the role of ethnic networks, resources and structures that enable migrants in precarious situations to survive.

Labour Market Segmentation within Ethnic Economies: The Ethnic Penalty for Invisible Kurdish Migrants in the United Kingdom

“…The labour market segmentation framework is useful in showing the labour market conditions of one migrant group in comparison to the existing population or other migrant groups. Studies using this approach (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2006; Constant and Massey, 2005; Felbo-Kolding et al, 2019; Keles et al, 2019; Lusis and Bauder, 2010) examine the outcomes of migration on labour markets by comparing the labour market conditions for migrants in ethnic economies (the secondary sector) with those for the existing population in the wider economy (the primary sector). They show that, since the secondary sector is unappealing due to its unfavourable conditions, the existing population generally prefers to work in the primary sector.…”

“…The terms ‘Kurds’ or ‘Kurdish migrants’ refer to Kurdish people from Turkey now in the UK. The Kurdish community is a stateless population, the majority of whom traditionally live in Turkey (Bakur), Iraq (Bashur), Iran (Rojhelat/Rojhilat), Syria (Rojava), Armenia and, now, Europe (Dahlman, 2002; for a study on Kurdish migrants from Bashur in the UK, see Keles et al, 2019).…”

Exploring risky health behaviors and vulnerability to sexually transmitted diseases among transnational undocumented labor migrants from Bangladesh: a qualitative study

“…To avoid this controversy, this study will use the term 'undocumented migrants ' . Estimates indicate that there are approximately 50 million undocumented migrants worldwide, mainly residing in Western Europe and North America [2], while Europe had at least 3.9 million undocumented immigrants in 2017, possibly reaching up to 4.8 million [3]. Globally, undocumented migrants face striking challenges, including lack of access to healthcare, discrimination, exploitation, and abuse, leading to poor living conditions and health issues [4][5][6][7].…”

Refugee Subentrepreneurship: The Emergence of a Liquid Cage

“…Bloch and McKay (2015) investigate employers’ perspectives around undocumented migrants’ employment within increasingly punitive legislations. Toğral Koca (2016: 73) highlights how scrutinising legislations to control Syrian refugees in Turkey ‘mask structural and political problems such as racism, exploitation, discrimination, and inequalities’, thus emphasising the framing of refugees as ‘threat’ factors to the labour market, while Keles et al (2019) explore ‘unauthorised’ Kurdish migrants, highlighting ‘stretched’ solidarity to support access to labour markets against in-border migration enforcement threats in the UK.…”