Abstract:The absence of the international as a distinct socio‐political sphere in Michel Foucault's work forms a major part of the postcolonial critique of his writings. The absence of the international has a number of consequences for any critical engagement with Foucault in the context of global politics. The significance of these consequences becomes apparent when we consider Foucault's analytics of war and power, situate these in relation to the particularity of the international, consider the very pertinent critiq… Show more
“…A more Foucauldian approach to race would, one might assume, take seriously the idea of a genealogy to consider how distinct racializing processes emerged through "manifold circuits of production and reproduction" (Dillon & Lobo-Guerrero, 2008, p. 283). Perhaps here we should leave the Foucault of Security, Territory, Population (2007) and revisit the specific genealogy of race and racism in 17 th to 19 th century France developed in Society Must Be Defended (2003) to look not for answers, but for methodological inspiration (Jabri, 2007).…”
Section: Racialization As a Generic Processmentioning
Analytics of biopolitics and government have proven to be powerful tools in a growing scholarship examining the bordering, surveillance, securitization and contestation of migratory processes. Yet the critical potential of such research is hampered by the rather limited ways it has managed to make sense of race and racism. While Foucault was insistent that governmentality should orient itself to the understanding of singularities, too often race appears, when treated at all, as a general phenomenon. This article makes two contributions aimed at addressing these shortcomings. First, we survey studies in the governmentality of migration and develop a typology of what we call framings of race – the ways that race appears, is mobilized, or haunts this scholarship. Second, we look to recent debates about race and racism in Science & Technology Studies for useful theoretical innovations that might help us study border- and race-making as mutually constitutive processes.
“…A more Foucauldian approach to race would, one might assume, take seriously the idea of a genealogy to consider how distinct racializing processes emerged through "manifold circuits of production and reproduction" (Dillon & Lobo-Guerrero, 2008, p. 283). Perhaps here we should leave the Foucault of Security, Territory, Population (2007) and revisit the specific genealogy of race and racism in 17 th to 19 th century France developed in Society Must Be Defended (2003) to look not for answers, but for methodological inspiration (Jabri, 2007).…”
Section: Racialization As a Generic Processmentioning
Analytics of biopolitics and government have proven to be powerful tools in a growing scholarship examining the bordering, surveillance, securitization and contestation of migratory processes. Yet the critical potential of such research is hampered by the rather limited ways it has managed to make sense of race and racism. While Foucault was insistent that governmentality should orient itself to the understanding of singularities, too often race appears, when treated at all, as a general phenomenon. This article makes two contributions aimed at addressing these shortcomings. First, we survey studies in the governmentality of migration and develop a typology of what we call framings of race – the ways that race appears, is mobilized, or haunts this scholarship. Second, we look to recent debates about race and racism in Science & Technology Studies for useful theoretical innovations that might help us study border- and race-making as mutually constitutive processes.
“…While these projects deal with the ‘macro’ distributions of global power which define hierarchies of progress/backwardness, I am interested in exploring micro‐practices which manifest such relations. This means drawing upon Foucauldian studies of governmentality which have begun to move past Foucault's Eurocentric impasse (Mitchell ; Stoler ; Chow ; Jabri ). Foucault has been heavily criticised for his silence on colonialism but he did hint at the ‘other‐side’ of his own genealogy of government (2004, 103):At the end of the sixteenth century we have, then, if not for the first time at least an early example of a boomerang effect colonial practice can have on the juridico‐political structures of the West.…”
Section: Border Practices History and The Postcolonialmentioning
This article: • Provides a necessary critical reflection on the changes to the UK family migration visa 2012; • Responds to the recent call made by Nick Vaughan-Williams and Victoria M. Basham in BJPIR for Critical Border Studies to better appreciate the interlocking elements of race, gender, class in border practices. It does this by also paying attention to sex; • Challenges the presentism in the recent literature on border practices/immigration by situating the family migration visa in a broader history; • Makes a strong contribution to the cross-over debates which are taking place in International Relations and governmentality literature regarding the postcolonial. It offers a Foucauldian analysis of government which takes colonial and postcolonial relations seriously. This article explores the changes to the family migration visa (2012) through a history of postcolonial government. It explores how the visa shares a familiar function to previous forms of rule which targeted the household and family as a site of regulation. Under Empire, 'marriage restrictions' were used to manage the 'intimate' connections between coloniser and colonised. Over the course of the 20th century UK border regimes also targeted the intimate and the familial to regulate racial proximity. In tracing this history, I argue that the family migration visa works as a similar technique. The visa manages the intimate space of the couple, family and household through an ideal domesticity; in line with certain raced, gendered and class norms. It highlights how government techniques make claims over whom can live with, raise a family with, be intimate with whom in Britain.This article examines the implementation of changes to the UK family migration visa (or the 'family of a settled person' visa) which occurred in 2012. This is the visa which gives non-EU spouses/partners, children and dependents of British citizens/ 'settled persons' limited right to reside in the UK. The changes to the visa mean that a family (including a non-EU citizen) must fulfil both a financial and language requirement to be granted the right to live together. The Home Office justifies these bs_bs_banner
“…Where debate begins and users intervene, biopolitical governance and reflexive censorship emerges rather than reflection and engagement with political agency in its democratic, rights carrying forms. All of these insights have stemmed from the work of a scholar who, as Jabri (2007) has recently shown, wrote little on IR.…”
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