“…91 Utterly displeased about the treaty, the conservative Moscow nobility was 'deeply hurt at the sight of the orthodox tsar friendly with the "usurper" and tyrant of Europe, whom the Russian church had recently anathemized'. 92 Instead of expressing their criticism openly to the monarch, Mikhail Speranskii's ill-timed, Western-inspired reforms proved to be the ideal excuse to blame the man for everything that went wrong in Russia.…”
This article explores the historical roots of Russian conservatism by analyzing the evolution of Russia's Westernized, Enlightenmentminded nobility to a conservative segment of Russian society in the early nineteenth century. The events of 1789 and 1812 were critical junctures that made the Russian nobility painfully aware of their own deep level of Westernization. The article first describes the reverberations of the French Revolution among the Russian elite. It also discusses the internal and external scrutiny of Russia's relations with France under Napoleon, which made Russian conservatism a contingency. It then describes the evolution between 1789 and 1812 of a corpus of conservative ideas ranging from traditionalism to ardent patriotism and xenophobia. Napoleon's 1812 campaign against Russia overshadowed the generational gap and diverging political and literary preferences among the elite. The reaction to it illustrates the intrinsic duality of the Russian elite: culturally Westernized, yet politically conservative. Yet the influence of several Western defenders of the ancien régime on Russia's conservatives shows that the essentially conservative Russian identity as propagated by Putin these days originally might have been more pan-European than purely Russian.
“…91 Utterly displeased about the treaty, the conservative Moscow nobility was 'deeply hurt at the sight of the orthodox tsar friendly with the "usurper" and tyrant of Europe, whom the Russian church had recently anathemized'. 92 Instead of expressing their criticism openly to the monarch, Mikhail Speranskii's ill-timed, Western-inspired reforms proved to be the ideal excuse to blame the man for everything that went wrong in Russia.…”
This article explores the historical roots of Russian conservatism by analyzing the evolution of Russia's Westernized, Enlightenmentminded nobility to a conservative segment of Russian society in the early nineteenth century. The events of 1789 and 1812 were critical junctures that made the Russian nobility painfully aware of their own deep level of Westernization. The article first describes the reverberations of the French Revolution among the Russian elite. It also discusses the internal and external scrutiny of Russia's relations with France under Napoleon, which made Russian conservatism a contingency. It then describes the evolution between 1789 and 1812 of a corpus of conservative ideas ranging from traditionalism to ardent patriotism and xenophobia. Napoleon's 1812 campaign against Russia overshadowed the generational gap and diverging political and literary preferences among the elite. The reaction to it illustrates the intrinsic duality of the Russian elite: culturally Westernized, yet politically conservative. Yet the influence of several Western defenders of the ancien régime on Russia's conservatives shows that the essentially conservative Russian identity as propagated by Putin these days originally might have been more pan-European than purely Russian.
“…Nevertheless, an incomplete civil code was achieved only in the 1870s and even as a formal constitution was adopted in 1876 it was immediately suspended until 1908. 49 The development of the "treaty port" system in Shanghai and other commercial centres in China was another technique of guaranteeing that European principles of law and the conflicts of law would be applied to legal relationships, one party of which would be European. The very extensive literature on the European extraterritoriality in China highlights, however, its very localized nature.…”
Section: Governing the Coloniesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Controversially, he had signed up to it at the Treaties of Tilsit. But the 1810 Tariff, which Speransky pushed for to alleviate the economic pressure of the Continental system by reopening free trade (grain exports) with Britain, 49 had been instrumental in instigating the war. Similarly, with the Ottoman Empire there was a direct link between search for peace and political economy.…”
Section: Managing the Future: From Laws And Permanent Institutions Tomentioning
confidence: 99%
“…All born of the womb of the same mother, our fathers, different in origin and in blood, are foreigners, and all of them differ visibly in then epidermis; this dissimilarity carries an obligation of atonement of the greatest significance. 49 The political institutions designed by Bolívar sought to conduct with a "… steady hand and an infinitely delicate touch to guide this heterogeneous society, whose complex contrivance is dislocated, is divided, is dissolved at the slightest disturbance." 50 It might seem paradoxical but Bolívar's fundamental principle is equality, alongside the division of powers and the representative system: "We need equality in order to recast as a whole … the race of men, political opinions and public practices."…”
He is as a political philosopher of Western twentieth and twenty-first century political thought, working in a Marxist tradition, and has published extensively on Marxist thought, on Europe and on migration such as Race, Nation, Class:
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