Mexican Repatriation from Michigan Public Assistance in Historical Perspective

Humphrey, Norman D.

doi:10.1086/633598

Cited by 7 publications

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“…In (Balderrama & Rodriguez, 2006). Under county auspices, social workers collaborated in the repatriation of immigrants following armed "street sweeps" despite being ill-equipped to make assessments due to lack of cultural competence, language interpretation, or family considerations (Balderrama & Rodriguez, 2006;Davis, 2017;Humphrey, 1941). The forced removal and incarceration of Japanese Americans during WWII was accomplished through Executive Order 9066.…”

Section: Investigating Social Work's Racist Settler Colonial Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Lessons Learned from the CSWE Task Force to Advance Anti-Racism in the Social Work Education Policy and Accreditation Standards:

Fairfax,

Rountree,

Murray-Lichtman

et al. 2024

ASW

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On May 25, 2020, Mr. George Floyd, a Black man, was murdered by Derek Chauvin, a White police officer in Minneapolis, Minnesota. In response to this disgusting display of police brutality, thousands of people all over the world began protesting Mr. Floyd’s killing. The Capital of the Confederacy, Richmond, Virginia, became one of many flashpoints for the public’s rage against white supremacy and systemic racism as thousands of people flooded the historic Monument District to topple, dismantle and re-frame Confederate monuments with protest slogans. Policing in the United States is rooted in the historical memory of enslavement, the unrestrained and authorized misuse of power by law enforcement, and conflicting values of discourse community. Protestors employed historical memory, which includes resistance, tolerance and strength in the face of tremendously difficult circumstances (Corredor, Wills-Obregon, Asensio-Brouard, 2018, 184). This groundswell of protests merged with those that sprang up for Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and others slain by police violence, producing a demand for racial justice that could not be stymied. Racial disparate treatment is embedded in police brutality and in all societal institutions. This movement calls into question social justice accountability within social work education, practice, and policy. Have the protests been enough? Will the profession of social work address its own complicity in maintaining racism? To advance anti-racist social work education, the CSWE Task Force for Advance Anti-Racism was conceptualized in summer 2020 to center anti-racism pedagogies and anti-racist learning environments. Several diverse social work leaders, educators, researchers, community organizers, and students came together to explore how the profession should be re-imagined as a profession that advances anti-racism and the decentering of whiteness. The task force members met to develop, discuss, and refine recommendations for CSWE on Education Policy and Accreditation (EPA). Employing content analysis, the authors identified major themes that emanated from the work of the Task Force. Content themes include how racism, white supremacy and ethnocracy underscores social work as an applied social science that maintains information structures, paradigms, theories, and practices ensconced in academia. The praxis recommendations of the task force include adapting theoretical frameworks for anti-racist social work education; incorporating anti-racism and critical theories, such as Critical Race Theory; updating social work competencies; promoting equitable approaches to hiring and retaining BIPOC (Black, Indigenous and People of Color) faculty in different positions; and, creating a new anti-racism commission to continue anti-racism work.

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Section: Investigating Social Work's Racist Settler Colonial Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Lessons Learned from the CSWE Task Force to Advance Anti-Racism in the Social Work Education Policy and Accreditation Standards:

Fairfax,

Rountree,

Murray-Lichtman

et al. 2024

ASW

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“…Humphrey noted one such department’s “frankly stated” explanation:With steady increases in the county relief lists, the problem of adequate care is becoming ever harder to solve, and it is obvious that any reduction in the relief load effective through repatriation service will be a significant factor toward the solution. (Michigan State Department of Welfare, cited in Humphrey, 1941, p. 498)Mexican Americans constituted the largest numbers of repatriates in this era: “14,406 in 1931; 36,092 in 1932; 36,992 in 1933” (Rich, 1936, p. 572). How will our current actions, or inactions, be judged by future generations?…”

Section: The Past Is Not Pastmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…With steady increases in the county relief lists, the problem of adequate care is becoming ever harder to solve, and it is obvious that any reduction in the relief load effective through repatriation service will be a significant factor toward the solution. (Michigan State Department of Welfare, cited in Humphrey, 1941, p. 498)…”

Section: The Past Is Not Pastmentioning

confidence: 99%

Our House Is on Fire: Social Work and the Crisis of Immigration

Park

2019

Affilia

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Each day seems to bring news announcing the cementing of yet another brick in the wall that blocks the entry of precisely the type of immigrants that the Statue of Liberty calls to our shores: the tired, the poor, the homeless, and the masses seeking refuge from fear and danger, all those considered expendable and undesirable by other nations. "Inertia was on the side of the restrictionists" (p. 181) concluded Breitman and Kraut (2015) in their analysis of the United States' failure to provide refuge for European Jews attempting to flee Nazism in the decade preceding World War II. The same appears to be true today. We who care about immigrants and oppose the rise of the wall sit numbed by outrage fatigue and immobilized by our sense of impotence to counter the onslaught of appalling changes. All the while, a brutal immigration regime is being built brick by brick, before our eyes, accomplished almost entirely through shifts in administrative practices backed by extremist interpretation of existing policies, moves that require no actual change in law or even the formulation of executive orders. From my perspective as a student of immigration history, one of the most frightening aspects of the current resurgence of punitive restrictionism is its utter lack of originality. The pitiless measures the federal government is enacting today are modernized reiterations of the bigoted practices of past centuries. The nation has failed to move far from the days of Operation Wetback, the military-style police actions to round up and deport massive numbers of Mexican temporary workers and immigrants in the 1950s (Astor, 2009; Buff, 2008; Ngai, 2004), or the wholesale race-based exclusion of Asians which began with the Page Act of 1875 (8 Stat. 477; Pub. L. 43-141)-the first federal immigration law restricting entry-enacted to "end the danger of cheap Chinese labor and immoral Chinese women" (Peffer, 1986, p. 28). The fact is that the tempest-tost huddled masses (social work clients, in my view) were precisely the type of people that U.S. laws were enacted to keep out, deport away, and render peripheral within our society, especially if they were racialized. The peopling of our nation has always been a deliberately managed process of selection and restriction, exclusion, and preference, guided by the ingrained prejudices of the times. The alarming ease and stunning impunity with which the bigoted practices of the past centuries have been resurrected by the current government tells me that while the particular bodies targeted as unacceptable may have shifted somewhat during the past decades, the fear and loathing of the racialized Other undergirding xenophobia, nationalism, and nativism remain deeply embedded in the nation's psyche and the structure of its immigration policies. The current U.S. President's January 2018 denigration of migrants from "shithole countries" such as Haiti and El Salvador punctuating his declaration that "we should have more people from Norway" should remind us that in 1920 and 1924, Congress passed two...

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“…Like other ethnic groups they suffer greatly in times of economic adversity and one of the saddest pages of social Downloaded by [University of Tennessee, Knoxville] at 09:53 26 December 2014 work history was its involvement in the repatriation efforts of the 1930s. 15 The Chicanos live primarily in five southwestern states-California, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, and Colorado. They are the single largest group of members of a growing Hispanic population which is projected as being 19 million.…”

Section: The Chicanosmentioning

confidence: 99%

Chicanos and Social Group Work Models

Brown

Arevalo

1980

Social Work with Groups

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This paper examines the group work models identified and explicated by Papell and Rothman, and assesses their appropriateness for work with Chicanos. The group work o f the 1920s and 1930s is recalled and the strength o f this early approach is considered in relation to the present day problems of Chicanos. A discussion is presented of how the three contemporary models can be utilized in providinggroup work toChicanos. The information presented should be of assistance to lhe g o u p worker in histher task of engaging the Chicanos and in providing culturally orientedgroup services.

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Mexican Repatriation from Michigan Public Assistance in Historical Perspective

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

Lessons Learned from the CSWE Task Force to Advance Anti-Racism in the Social Work Education Policy and Accreditation Standards:

Lessons Learned from the CSWE Task Force to Advance Anti-Racism in the Social Work Education Policy and Accreditation Standards:

Our House Is on Fire: Social Work and the Crisis of Immigration

Chicanos and Social Group Work Models

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