Mercados públicos y competitividad: El Palmar y Las Flores de Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl

Garza-Bueno, Laura Elena

doi:10.22136/est00201344

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Thus, people might have perceived less danger purchasing foods in specialty stores, than small-neighborhood stores or supermarkets. The decrease in purchases from public markets could be partially explained by the fact that these outlets depend on government funding; thus, as funding has decreased, public markets may have lacked maintenance, hygiene, and good infrastructure for food preservation ( 32 ). It has been shown that food quality, freshness, price and diversity of products are important reasons for people to keep purchasing their food at public markets ( 32 ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The decrease in purchases from public markets could be partially explained by the fact that these outlets depend on government funding; thus, as funding has decreased, public markets may have lacked maintenance, hygiene, and good infrastructure for food preservation ( 32 ). It has been shown that food quality, freshness, price and diversity of products are important reasons for people to keep purchasing their food at public markets ( 32 ). However, because public markets are outlets with high availability of fresh and natural foods, it is of concern that households with lower socioeconomic levels are purchasing less in these outlets.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Trends in food and beverage purchases in informal, mixed, and formal food outlets in Mexico: ENIGH 1994–2020

Domínguez-Barreto,

Farah,

López-Olmedo

et al. 2023

Front. Public Health

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BackgroundThe retail food environment in Mexico is characterized by the co-existence of both, formal and informal food outlets. Yet, the contribution of these outlets to food purchases over time has not been documented. Understanding the longitudinal trends where Mexican households purchase their foods is critical for the development of future food retail policies.MethodsWe used data from Mexico’s National Income and Expenditure Survey from 1994 to 2020. We categorized food outlets as formal (supermarkets, chain convenience stores, restaurants), informal (street markets, street vendors, acquaintances), and mixed (fiscally regulated or not. i.e., small neighborhood stores, specialty stores, public markets). We calculated the proportion of food and beverage purchases by food outlet for each survey for the overall sample and stratified by education level and urbanicity.ResultsIn 1994, the highest proportion of food purchases was from mixed outlets, represented by specialty and small neighborhood stores (53.7%), and public markets (15.9%), followed by informal outlets (street vendors and street markets) with 12.3%, and formal outlets from which supermarkets accounted for 9.6%. Over time, specialty and small neighborhood stores increased 4.7 percentage points (p.p.), while public markets decreased 7.5 p.p. Street vendors and street markets decreased 1.6 p.p., and increased 0.5 p.p. for supermarkets. Convenience stores contributed 0.5% at baseline and increased to 1.3% by 2020. Purchases at specialty stores mostly increased in higher socioeconomic levels (13.2 p.p.) and metropolitan cities (8.7 p.p.) while public markets decreased the most in rural households and lower socioeconomic levels (6.0 p.p. & 5.3 p.p.). Supermarkets and chain convenience stores increased the most in rural localities and small cities.ConclusionIn conclusion, we observed an increase in food purchases from the formal sector, nonetheless, the mixed sector remains the predominant food source in Mexico, especially small-neighborhood stores. This is concerning, since these outlets are mostly supplied by food industries. Further, the decrease in purchases from public markets could imply a reduction in the consumption of fresh produce. In order to develop retail food environment policies in Mexico, the historical and predominant role of the mixed sector in food purchases needs to be acknowledged.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trends in food and beverage purchases in informal, mixed, and formal food outlets in Mexico: ENIGH 1994–2020

Domínguez-Barreto,

Farah,

López-Olmedo

et al. 2023

Front. Public Health

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“…Policies to maintain or increase the healthfulness of the informal and mixed sectors could be implemented all along the food supply chain, but further research is needed to understand speci c opportunities in the global south. One example to be led by local governments is to support markets nancially and structurally by improving their maintenance, hygiene, making them more spacious, and implementing an adequate infrastructure for food conservation; characteristics that are usually lacking in these spaces [41]. Reshaping the retail food environment to promote healthy diets will require experimentation with a range of policy options that act across the food system, from producers to processors, distributors, retailers, and consumers [37].…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changes in the healthfulness of food and beverage purchases from 2006 to 2020 in formal, mixed, and informal outlets in Mexico

Domínguez-Barreto,

Farah,

López-Olmedo

et al. 2023

Preprint

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Background: To better inform retail food environment policies in the global south, it is necessary to further understand the healthfulness of food and beverages purchased by type of food outlet over time. Methods: Using repeated cross-sectional data from the National Income and Expenditure Survey (ENIGH) in Mexico (2006 to 2020), we categorized food outlets as formal (supermarkets, chain convenience stores), informal (street markets, street vendors, acquaintances), fiscally mixed (public markets, small neighborhood stores, specialty stores), and others. We estimated the proportion of total purchases in each food outlet and the percentage of the types of foods purchased by outlet for the overall sample and stratified by education level and urbanicity. Results: In 2006, the food outlets with the largest proportions of ultra-processed foods purchases were chain convenience stores (49%), small neighborhood stores (37%) and supermarkets (35%). In contrast, the outlets with the highest proportions of minimally processed food purchases were street markets (83%), public markets (81%), and specialty stores (75%). Over time, households improved the proportion of expenditure in minimally processed foods in supermarkets and small neighborhood stores (49 to 56% and 46 to 48%, respectively). Conversely, the proportion of expenditures in minimally processed foods decreased from 70 to 63% in street vendors. Households without formal education and residing in rural localities increased their minimally processed food purchases in supermarkets and specialty stores, but decreased in street vendors, acquaintances and public markets. Households with higher education and residing in more urbanized areas increased their purchases of minimally processed foods in supermarkets and small neighborhood stores and decreased in street vendors. Households in metropolitan cities also decreased purchases of minimally processed foods in chain convenience stores and specialty stores. Conclusions: Over time, purchases from informal outlets were healthier compared to purchases from the formal and mixed sectors, but no outlet sold only healthy or unhealthy foods. To ensure access to healthy foods, food policies should consider where the largest proportion of food purchases is being made, where the healthiest purchases are, and why some purchases from certain food outlets are becoming healthier, while in others they are becoming less healthy.

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“…For example, large chain grocery stores, organized in full alignment with global financial performance criteria, have a far greater capacity to spread risk, invest in new transaction and inventory technologies, and absorb market fluctuations, all of which allows them to maintain stable prices. A tianguis vendor, by contrast, sells a far smaller range of goods, and must adjust her prices according to the costs she incurs (Garza-Bueno, 2013). She is vulnerable even to small changes in markets for produce, fuel, transportation and other inputs.…”

Section: Hybrid Typementioning

confidence: 99%

Architecture, urban form, and assemblage aesthetics in Mexico City’s street markets

Heathcott

2019

ARCH

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider Mexico City’s street markets as temporary and modular architectural products that emerge out of intensive, routine and repeated negotiations over urban spatial affordances in a crowded metropolitan environment. Particular attention is given to the polychromatic visual form, not as some detached work of art, but as a collection of tiny signals of the labor, commerce and social relations unfolding below. Design/methodology/approach For this paper, the author has deployed a methodological approach that blends scholarship and creative practice. From 2016 to 2018, the author conducted fieldwork during three trips to Mexico City, making site visits, undertaking structured observation and engaging in conversations with vendors and customers. The author also collected data available from various municipal agencies, and reportage from newspaper articles, blogs and magazines. Meanwhile, the author developed a creative practice method grounded in the production of rendered aerial views, which allowed for the identification of typologies based on the organizational logics of the street markets. Findings The paper identifies five typologies of street market, including: the linear, the circuit, the cluster, the contour and the hybrid. The application of these typologies by street market vendors allows for the optimal exploitation of spatial allotments for buying and selling goods. In the end, the paper reveals the polychromatic markets as expressions of an assemblage aesthetic, each a variation on a theme grounded in the cumulative daily choices, desires, routines and thickly woven collaborations of working-class people in one of the world’s great conurbations. Research limitations/implications The study is based on a limited number of cases. There are currently 1,400 street markets regularly operating in Mexico City, 200 of which set up on any given day. In order to provide some depth and texture to the study, this paper only examines 15 markets falling into the five typologies identified above. Further research would help to refine these typologies, quantify the daily and quarterly transactions that take place in the markets and assess the impacts of street vending on their surroundings. Social implications Mexico City’s street markets provide employment for some 800,000 vendors, suppliers, transporters and laborers. They also provide one-fifth of all household goods purchased in the city and 40 percent of all fresh produce. And despite the conflicts that arise, they offer an associational approach to the labor of street vending, as well as crucial economic opportunities for women with children. However, it is apparent that street markets face a range of challenges that could be mitigated with supportive policies. Originality/value While there is a small and growing literature on Mexico City’s street markets, there is no work to date that examines the assemblage aesthetic that comprises their daily emergence on the landscape. Nor do any extant studies situate the aesthetic composition within the varied urban forms, social relations and labor practices that undergird the street markets.

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Mercados públicos y competitividad: El Palmar y Las Flores de Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl

Cited by 4 publications

References 1 publication

Trends in food and beverage purchases in informal, mixed, and formal food outlets in Mexico: ENIGH 1994–2020

Trends in food and beverage purchases in informal, mixed, and formal food outlets in Mexico: ENIGH 1994–2020

Changes in the healthfulness of food and beverage purchases from 2006 to 2020 in formal, mixed, and informal outlets in Mexico

Architecture, urban form, and assemblage aesthetics in Mexico City’s street markets

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