Merap Historical Phonology in the Context of a Central Bornean Linguistic Area

Smith, Alexander D.

doi:10.1353/ol.2017.0006

Cited by 4 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Vowel breaking in closed word-final syllables has been recorded as a historical or synchronic process in a number of languages of Borneo. Example languages include Ngorek (Blust 1974), Mukah Melanau (Blust 1988), Uma Juman and Data Dian Kayan (Blust 1977;Smith 2017a), Kiput (Blust 2003), Merap (Smith 2017b), Kajang languages, and Punan Bah (Smith 2017a). The situation in Hliboi is different from these other examples, however, as most reported cases of final vowel breaking with a schwa-like offglide are conditioned by the place of articulation of the following consonant.…”

Section: Vowel Breakingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reconstructions are to PMP and are from Blust and Trussel (Ongoing) unless otherwise noted. PLD reconstructions are original but informed by data from Rensch et al (2012) and Smith (2017aSmith ( , 2019. Table 10 shows regular Hliboi reflexes of PMP phonemes.…”

Section: Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Hliboi is a Bidayuh (Austronesian [AN]; Land Dayak [LD]) language spoken in Lhi Bui town, Siding district, Bengkayang Regency, West Kalimantan, Indonesia, and has not yet been described in any detail in the published linguistic literature. 1 Hliboi is discussed in Smith (2017b) with reference to the Central Bornean Linguistic Area, and again in Smith (2019) as part of a reconstruction of Proto-Land Dayak (PLD), but never as the focus of study. Like many Bidayuh languages, Hliboi has undergone sound changes that have resulted in typologically unexpected features in its synchronic phonology.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…THE LINGUISTIC POSITION OF HLIBOI. Hliboi (ISO 639-3 code sne, which includes all Bau isolects, not just Hliboi) is a Bidayuh language, which belongs to the LD subgroup, part of the larger Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of AN (Smith 2017a). The current higher-level subgrouping for LD is presented in table 1, with Hliboi's member subgroup, Bidayuh, in bold.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The current higher-level subgrouping for LD is presented in table 1, with Hliboi's member subgroup, Bidayuh, in bold. This is based on Smith (2017a) which proposed a primary division between Benyadu-Bekati' and Bidayuh-Southern LD. 2 The Bidayuh subgroup is conventionally divided into three groups: Bau-Jagoi, Biatah, and Bukar-Sadong.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 4 more Smart Citations

The Historical Phonology of Hliboi, A Bidayuh Language of Borneo

Smith¹

2021

Oceanic Linguistics

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Section: Vowel Breakingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

The Historical Phonology of Hliboi, A Bidayuh Language of Borneo

Smith¹

2021

Oceanic Linguistics

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Reconstructing non-contrastive stress in Austronesian and the role of the mora in stress shift, gemination and vowel shift

Smith

2022

DIA

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Competing schools of thought on the reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress contend that primary stress was either regular (falling on the penultimate syllable with possible phonetic conditions that triggered stress shift to the final syllable) or lexical (falling unpredictably either on the penult or ultima). In this study, I argue that the comparative evidence supports the first position: that primary stress fell regularly on the penultimate syllable and was not lexical. Further, primary stress was repelled to the final syllable if the penultimate syllable was open and contained a schwa nucleus. Three Austronesian first-order subgroups, Malayo-Polynesian, Western Formosan, and Paiwan, are shown to directly continue the reconstructed stress system of Proto-Austronesian, with stress falling regularly on the penultimate syllable but shifting to the final syllable after a schwa. I also argue that the inability of schwa to hold stress is a result not of quality, but rather of quantity, as it is shown that schwa was a zero-weight vowel in Proto-Austronesian. Words with a schwa in the penultimate syllable, CəCVC, are shown to be sub-minimal, containing only a single mora. Daughter languages in Malayo-Polynesian underwent multiple cases of phonologically motivated drift, including consonant gemination, the deletion of penultimate schwa in three-syllable words, and vowel shift. These sound changes are argued to be part of a phonological conspiracy whose outcome is the addition of a mora to sub-minimal words. This study therefore offers both a reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress as well as a phonological explanation for these various sound changes in Malayo-Polynesian.

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The Western Malayo-Polynesian Problem

Smith¹

2017

Oceanic Linguistics

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Merap Historical Phonology in the Context of a Central Bornean Linguistic Area

Cited by 4 publications

References 7 publications

The Historical Phonology of Hliboi, A Bidayuh Language of Borneo

The Historical Phonology of Hliboi, A Bidayuh Language of Borneo

Reconstructing non-contrastive stress in Austronesian and the role of the mora in stress shift, gemination and vowel shift

The Western Malayo-Polynesian Problem

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