“…In the context of a hyperinflation crisis, Carlos Menem's government (1989-1999) launched a massive neoliberal structural adjustment programme supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and other financial institutions and investors. This new programme had the negative effects of unemployment, increased job informality, regressive income distribution and marginalisation of poorer groups (Azpiazu et al, 1998;Cooney, 2007). In Chile, radical and comprehensive neoliberal reforms were carried out as a fundamental component of Augusto Pinochet's authoritarian regime (1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)) and would later be codified in the 1980 constitution, known as 'Pinochet's constitution' (Reyes, 2012;Silva, 2009).…”
Section: Variegated Temporalities Of Crisis and Resistancementioning
Working towards social transformation through forms of participatory and economic democracy is a core element of the new municipalist agenda. While utilising a ‘politics of proximity’ to develop citizen-led collectives in various forms and at various scales, these projects reimagine and reclaim the local state for social and ecological justice. However, much of the empirical literature that has fed into the development of this conceptualisation of new municipalism, while having a global ambition, has been based on European experiences. Thus, there are key questions around its applicability to other places, particularly in the Global South. South America has generated some of the emblematic cases of struggles against neoliberalism through reclaiming public services, from important interventions in reversing privatisations in the region to influential municipalist innovations, including participatory public policies such as participatory budgeting. This article seeks to critically interrogate new municipalism through an engagement with key social and political changes, state–civil society dynamics and political concepts in South America, illustrated with examples from municipal grassroots initiatives in Argentina and Chile. It argues that municipalism can be more extensively theorised by, first, engaging with a broader temporality than just moments of crisis; second, being attentive to the longer history of diverse participatory municipal initiatives in the region; and finally, incorporating the concept of territory ( territorio in Spanish), which has emerged as a key dimension for understanding social transformations in the region.
“…In the context of a hyperinflation crisis, Carlos Menem's government (1989-1999) launched a massive neoliberal structural adjustment programme supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and other financial institutions and investors. This new programme had the negative effects of unemployment, increased job informality, regressive income distribution and marginalisation of poorer groups (Azpiazu et al, 1998;Cooney, 2007). In Chile, radical and comprehensive neoliberal reforms were carried out as a fundamental component of Augusto Pinochet's authoritarian regime (1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)) and would later be codified in the 1980 constitution, known as 'Pinochet's constitution' (Reyes, 2012;Silva, 2009).…”
Section: Variegated Temporalities Of Crisis and Resistancementioning
Working towards social transformation through forms of participatory and economic democracy is a core element of the new municipalist agenda. While utilising a ‘politics of proximity’ to develop citizen-led collectives in various forms and at various scales, these projects reimagine and reclaim the local state for social and ecological justice. However, much of the empirical literature that has fed into the development of this conceptualisation of new municipalism, while having a global ambition, has been based on European experiences. Thus, there are key questions around its applicability to other places, particularly in the Global South. South America has generated some of the emblematic cases of struggles against neoliberalism through reclaiming public services, from important interventions in reversing privatisations in the region to influential municipalist innovations, including participatory public policies such as participatory budgeting. This article seeks to critically interrogate new municipalism through an engagement with key social and political changes, state–civil society dynamics and political concepts in South America, illustrated with examples from municipal grassroots initiatives in Argentina and Chile. It argues that municipalism can be more extensively theorised by, first, engaging with a broader temporality than just moments of crisis; second, being attentive to the longer history of diverse participatory municipal initiatives in the region; and finally, incorporating the concept of territory ( territorio in Spanish), which has emerged as a key dimension for understanding social transformations in the region.
“…The onset was marked by the introduction of the new currency stabilization plan called the Convertibility Plan. This new radical monetary policy established a fixed peso-dollar exchange rate (1 ARG peso = US$1) and mandated that the country’s monetary supply should always equal the reserves held by the Central Bank (Azpiazu et al, 1998: 16). In effect, the plan curbed inflation and brought about general price stability.…”
We seek to disentangle the process through which some democratic polities ‘escape’ from neoliberal rule while others do not. We understand neoliberalism as the resulting equilibrium provoked by the restoration of class power that undermined the pro-labour policies of the post-war period. Why do some democracies enter a route of political experimentation that challenges the status quo while others remain ‘trapped’ in an orthodox neoliberal settlement? Our argument is that for a democratic polity to initiate a transition from neoliberal rule, there needs to be a crisis of neoliberal rule, a compelling alternative willing to contend for state power in national elections, and a reliable democratic settlement that allows the victory of the challenger – that is, the alternative – over the neoliberal rulers. This model will be discussed by examining the following three cases: Argentina, Greece, and Mexico.
“…The government of Menem intentionally dismantled national industrial capabilities allowing foreign corporations to compete with domestic ones. However, at the same time, special relations with the United States led Argentina to higher status in terms of international trust and access to technologies (Azpiazu, Basualdo, and Nochteff 1998); which had been denied before due to what American foreign policy officials considered an erratic space policy (Escudé 1998). While CONAE carried out the civilian effort, GRADICOM did its part for the military side.…”
Section: Procurement (Wood and Weigel 2012b)mentioning
Foreign space bases: the construction of an imaginary about China and Europe in the Argentine press and politics (Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnología y Sociedad, Vol. 12 Nº36); Geopolitics of strategic and non-strategic technologies (Revista Estudos Internacionais, Vol. 7 Nº2); and World Order and technology. Institutional analysis from the geopolitical perspective in the semi-periphery: space and missile technology in Argentina and Brazil (Revista Geopolíticas(s), Vol. 8 Nº2).
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