Men at the March: Feminist Movement Boundaries and Men's Participation in Take Back the Night and Slutwalk*

Kretschmer, Kelsy; Barber, Kristen

doi:10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-283

Cited by 14 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Students, faculty, and administrators then wrote the Antioch Sexual Offense Prevention Policy, which emphasized gender equality, affirmative consent (“yes means yes”), consent at each step of sexual activity, and safe sex practices (Sanday, ). Additionally, since the 1970s, specific mobilizations became institutionalized on college campuses (Bevacqua, ; Bridges, ; Ferree & Hess, ; Heldman et al, ; Kamis, ; Kretschmer & Barber, ; Messner et al, ; Reger, , )…”

Section: Contextualizing Campus Sexual Violence Before 2011mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Students, faculty, and administrators then wrote the Antioch Sexual Offense Prevention Policy, which emphasized gender equality, affirmative consent ("yes means yes"), consent at each step of sexual activity, and safe sex practices (Sanday, 2007). Additionally, since the 1970s, specific mobilizations became institutionalized on college campuses (Bevacqua, 2000;Bridges, 2010;Ferree & Hess, 2002;Heldman et al, 2018;Kamis, 2016;Kretschmer & Barber, 2016;Messner et al, 2015;Reger, 2012Reger, , 2014 Not all activism took the form of protests, however. For example, Alexander v. Yale, although dismissed, led Yale to change its sexual harassment policies and appears to have further inspired sexual harassment guidelines at hundreds of other institutions (Simon, 2004).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Law, campus policy, social movements, and sexual violence: Where do we stand in the #MeToomovement?

Gronert

2019

Sociology Compass

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In the last 8 years, activist pressure has increased attention to sexual violence at universities. Most recently, the #MeToo movement has widened the conversation about sexual violence. This increased public attention has coincided with changes in federal guidelines, state laws, and campus policies on sexual violence as well as social movement activity by survivor‐activists and emerging counter‐movements. I argue that sociologists—specifically researchers who study gender and/or law and society—are uniquely situated to contribute to the study of sexual violence on campus. I synthesize a growing sociological and interdisciplinary literature on sexual violence—legal changes, policy effects, and social movement struggles—in order to advocate that sociologists study laws, campus policies, and social movements simultaneously.

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Section: Contextualizing Campus Sexual Violence Before 2011mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Law, campus policy, social movements, and sexual violence: Where do we stand in the #MeToomovement?

Gronert

2019

Sociology Compass

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“…They often started as a response to a specific threat, for example in the UK that was the case with the marches going past places where victims of the Yorkshire Ripper, Peter Sutcliffe were found, and the early European marches followed specific rape cases in the news. Kretschmer and Barber (2016) argue that feminists started to organize Take Back the Night marches on college campuses, in city centres, parks and other areas where women were at risk of sexual assault. Thus, these marches can be said to identify places of 'risk' and draw attention to unsafe places, but also to challenge discourses on female vulnerability.…”

Section: Taking Back the Nightmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These manifestations are 'designed to challenge the patriarchal attitudes that produced the streets at night as essentially male spaces' (Hubbard and Colosi 2015, 593), and they have been doing so by frequently closing their boundaries completely or limited men's participation as a way to emphasize their claims for women's autonomy (Kretschmer and Barber 2016). As Listerborn (2015) argues, there has been no decline in these confrontations or their political implications in the sense that Take Back the Night demonstrations are not only organized in space, but are also about space.…”

Section: Taking Back the Nightmentioning

confidence: 99%

Taking back the Swedish night: making and reclaiming space

Sandberg

Coe

2019

Gender, Place & Culture

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With a spatial analytical framework, we study Take Back the Night demonstrations as a way of mobilizing for safety and claiming the right to the city. The marches are a symbolic display of women's distress about living in fear of violence. It is a critique of society's inability to handle the problem of prevailing gendered power relations and the unequal access to city spaces that stem from these. The aim of this paper is to examine feminist struggles to challenge gendered spatial power relations, focusing on Take Back the Night mobilization. Hence, this qualitative study focuses Take Back the Night demonstrations as a phenomenon and as an actual spatial strategy, by analysing representations regarding Take Back the Night in Sweden at large, and in Malm€ o, Sweden's third largest city, in particular. We discuss feminist efforts to create temporary safe spaces in terms of the demonstrations' emancipatory potential and how these spatial claims provoke resistance. The demonstrations and the reactions they create reveal existing inequalities and power structures.

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“…Despite that the TBTN march offers a relevant case for examining these three explanations, surprisingly few previous studies examine the TBTN march (e.g. Kretschmer & Barber, 2016;Mackay, 2014;Reger, 2014) and none from the lens of tactical choice.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender beliefs as a dimension of tactical choice: the ‘Take Back the Night’ march in Sweden

Coe

Sandberg

2019

Social Movement Studies

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Two main explanations of tactical choice among social movements are repertoires of contention and characteristics of collective actors. Feminist theorizing suggests another dimension of tactical choice: the role of gender beliefs. This paper examines the relationship between these three explanations by drawing on a qualitative study that explored how activist groups in Sweden selected the 'Take Back the Night' (TBTN) march as a tactic. Begun in the 1970s, the TBTN march has been performed around the world, usually on central city streets at nighttime, to protest gender violence in spaces presumed to be gender neutral and safe for women. Our findings resulted in three themes that captured how activist groups selected it as a tactic: a routine performance in publicly visible urban settings, alignment with preferred forms of feminist organizing, and refusal of normalized fear and violence in the seemingly safe city. Each theme corresponded to one of the three explanations and shed light on a different dimension of tactical choice. We propose three heuristic tools for identifying these dimensions: making claims, enacting claims and reclaiming spaces. The different dimensions relate to distinct conceptions of power: centralized authority, movement agency and gender power relations respectively.

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Men at the March: Feminist Movement Boundaries and Men's Participation in Take Back the Night and Slutwalk*

Cited by 14 publications

References 15 publications

Law, campus policy, social movements, and sexual violence: Where do we stand in the #MeToomovement?

Law, campus policy, social movements, and sexual violence: Where do we stand in the #MeToomovement?

Taking back the Swedish night: making and reclaiming space

Gender beliefs as a dimension of tactical choice: the ‘Take Back the Night’ march in Sweden

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