Memory in Native American Land Claims

Hendrix, Burke A.

doi:10.1177/0090591705280658

Cited by 27 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…The divergence between indigenous people and the imposing authority regarding ownership rights and land tenure has posed and still poses dilemmas for many indigenous groups around the world, including the Sami (cf. brøsted, 1986;Thomas, 1988;Korpijaako-labba, 1994;olund, 2002;Villamarín and Villamarín, 2003;Hendrix, 2005;Hierro, 2005;Suluk and blakney, 2008).…”

Section: Comparative Perspectives On Indigenous Peoples' Land Use Durmentioning

confidence: 99%

Quantifying Sami Settlement and Movement Patterns in Northern Sweden 1700–1900

Josefsson¹,

Bergman²,

Östlund³

2010

ARCTIC

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The indigenous Sami people of northernmost europe have developed unique adaptations that enable them to cope with harsh climate and subsist in low-productivity ecosystems. These adaptations have been shaped by both internal factors, such as demographic and traditional land-use systems, and external factors, such as colonization and national legislation. In this paper we interpret the quantitative impacts of land use by reindeer herders in a subarctic forest landscape in northern Sweden during the 18th and 19th centuries. We used archival sources (cameral and judicial documents and church records) together with environmental data to reconstruct past changes in population size and the spatial configuration of traditional Sami lands, which the Swedish state accepted and recognized as taxation units for several centuries up to the 19th century. The taxation lands encompassed several hundred square kilometres and featured distinct proportions of different vegetation types. We propose that these taxation lands were originally established so that each provided sufficient resources to support the subsistence of a Sami family, incorporating pastures for small-scale reindeer herding and opportunities for hunting and fishing within its borders. However, there were substantial differences in the resources they provided. estimates of population density indicate that they may have been able to support 0.04-0.06 persons per km 2. unlike many other indigenous groups around the globe, the Sami interacted with the state and claimed their rights in court proceedings and were thus able to maintain strong recognition of their land tenure by the Swedish state until the late 19th century.

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Section: Comparative Perspectives On Indigenous Peoples' Land Use Durmentioning

confidence: 99%

Quantifying Sami Settlement and Movement Patterns in Northern Sweden 1700–1900

Josefsson¹,

Bergman²,

Östlund³

2010

ARCTIC

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“…Some theorists argue that the horrors of nationalism, or its incompatibility with liberalism, mean that we need to move past nationalism toward a post‐nationalist world, where the nation state is not a primary political unit (Abizadeh, 2004; Gans, 2003; Habermas, 1998; 2001; Mason, 2000). Other theorists argue that historical injustice is something that cannot be ignored, however, and that it calls for a response by the political community (for some examples, see Hendrix, 2005; Hill, 2002; Ivison, 2000; McCarthy, 2002; 2004; Ridge, 2003; Thompson, 2002). Few of these theorists lay blame for historical injustice on nationalism, but many do argue that national communities are responsible for remembering and correcting these past injustices.…”

Section: Collective Memories and The Dangers Of Post‐nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy, Solidarity and Post-Nationalism

Spinner‐Halev

2008

Political Studies

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Nearly all democratizing states are also nationalizing, but this connection has not been adequately explained. A few scholars argue that nationality supplies democracy with a pre-political identity, while others maintain that nationality is often developed and manipulated by elites. I argue that national identity is a political identity, sustained by political institutions for political purposes, though this identity may contain some ethnic or abstract principles within it. The solidarity that national identity creates is most needed by democracies when they first emerge. Democratizing states need to build up institutions and create a culture of sacrifice, which they can do by creating a sense of solidarity among citizens. This solidarity is not only in the interests of the elites, but also benefits those in the dominant national group. The solidarity created by national identity is crucial to institution building, but it is also a source of inequality, since those not seen as members will often face discrimination or worse. The unfortunate side of nationalism has led some theorists to argue that liberal democracies need to move toward postnationalism if they are to reach the promise of equality and individual rights for all. Doing so, however, means separating identity from the state. I doubt this is possible; and I argue that post-nationalism means forgetting about national memories. Yet to honor rightly the past victims of nationalism we must engage in acts of remembrance. We cannot both bear the legacy of the past and easily move toward postnationalism. I work through these issues partly by way of Habermas who tries, unsuccessfully in my view, to reconcile post-nationalism with the retention of national memory. This is not an accident, but frequently a result of the need of emerging democracies to build up institutions and create a culture of sacrifice, which they can do

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“…Indigenous movements in Bolivia were first mobilized in a quest for land in the context of the 1953 land reform. In the following decades, they gradually engaged in a deep‐reaching enterprise of memory and cultural reconstruction that influenced their social, political and economic lives, leading them to claim land and territories (Hendrix 2005; Gilbert 2006; Chihuailaf 2008). Although Bolivia's indigenous groups are heterogeneous in terms of their interest in the spatial dimension of land, the formulation of a common demand for territories led them to forge strong alliances among themselves.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing Land Rights Means Changing Society: The Sociopolitical Effects of Agrarian Reforms under the Government of Evo Morales

Bottazzi

Rist

2012

Journal of Agrarian Change

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Agrarian reform cannot be limited to a linear process of land distribution. It involves a societal restructuration that affects power relations, multi-level governance structures, the (re)spatialization of juridical legitimacy and symbolic boundaries between sociocultural groups (ethnicity). This paper analyses the consequences of the major Bolivian agrarian reforms of 1953, 1996 and 2006 for the current process of setting up the 'plurinational' state under the government of Evo Morales. Using a historical and sociopolitical approach, we show that the ethnically differentiated devolution of individual and collective tenure rights has resulted in an institutional segmentation along ethnic boundaries that gives rise to a growing polarization between the two socially constructed categories of indigenous people and peasants.This institutional segmentation is not limited to agrarian questions but also affects other domains, such as political processes related to territorial autonomies. The current government is trying to maintain a neutral position by giving priority to large-scale national programmes of economic development.

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Memory in Native American Land Claims

Cited by 27 publications

References 3 publications

Quantifying Sami Settlement and Movement Patterns in Northern Sweden 1700–1900

Quantifying Sami Settlement and Movement Patterns in Northern Sweden 1700–1900

Democracy, Solidarity and Post-Nationalism

Changing Land Rights Means Changing Society: The Sociopolitical Effects of Agrarian Reforms under the Government of Evo Morales

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