Media populism and the metanarrative of God in the Philippines

Abstract

This article uses the concept of media populism to analyze the sophisticated role of networked platforms in organizing political discourses. Building on the scholarship on mediatization and mediated populism, it examines the mediated appeal of the God metanarrative—Religious Duterte, Catholic Church, Apollo Quiboloy, and Daily Prayer—and shows how God-related posts amplify the communicative style of populism in the Philippines. The God metanarrative on Facebook inspires communal engagement much as it polarizes the civil consensus on free expression and inclusive nationalism. The embedding of non-conflictual sentiments in the digital sphere blurs the precarious line between free expression of religious views and of political support, enabling political entrepreneurs to exploit the former as a way to consolidate the latter.

Sovereignty, Discipline, Governmentality, and Pastorate: The Ménage à Quatre of Contemporary Authoritarian and Right-Wing Populist Power

“…As Yatsyk (2020, p. 148) outlines, the Polish PiS-party’s communication “is inherently performative and as such it appeals to emotions, and […] it directly communicates with ‘people’ while circumventing the existing institutional framework of the state.” Quite similar, Aranda (2023, p. 570) has demonstrated the structural analogy between “[t]he exigency of an unmediated, individual access to God’s voice found in both Pentecostalism and the Prosperity Gospel” and the direct, non-institutional communication with the people in populist politics. In the same vein, Ragragio (2023, p. 49) analyzes “the God metanarrative—Religious Duterte, Catholic Church, Apollo Quiboloy, and Daily Prayer—and […] how God-related posts amplify the communicative style of populism in the Philippines.” In addition, Duterte’s TV morning show aimed at establishing a direct-line to individuals, through which supposedly everyone could address Duterte with complaints and individual problems (see de Guzman, 2017) in order to find a hearing with the president, get his understanding, and receive guidance and relief. This format demonstrates the willingness of taking care of very concrete, maybe even rather minor problems of the flock members, reflecting “a permanent intervention in everyday conduct (conduite), in the management of lives” (Foucault, 2009, p. 154).…”

Poverty Profile and Health Dynamics of Indigenous People

“…The bahag and tapis were originally worn by Agta men and women. Women began concealing their breasts and wearing longer tapis after becoming Christians (Calleja, 1992;Gerona, 2005;Obias, 2009;Ragragio, 2012).…”

“…They hunt with a bow and arrow, a sumbiling (harpoon), bitik or lit-ag (traps), and an ayam (dog). They are also engaged in weaving, pottery, and processing wild crops (Calleja, 1992;Gerona, 2005;Obias, 2009;Ragragio, 2012).…”