Measuring Implementation and Multiple Outcomes in a Child Parent Center Compensatory Education Program

Conrad, Kendon J.; Eash, Maurice J.

doi:10.2307/1162595

Cited by 8 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…These outcomes are suggestive of sizable economic benefits to participants and society. Studies of other CPC cohorts have found similar patterns of effects (Conrad & Eash, 1983;Fuerst & Fuerst, 1993).…”

mentioning

confidence: 62%

Age 21 Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Title I Chicago Child-Parent Centers

Reynolds¹,

Temple

Robertson³

et al. 2002

Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis

275

242

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We conducted the first cost-benefit analysis of a federally financed, comprehensive early childhood program. The Title I Chicago Child-Parent Centers are located in public schools and provide educational and family support services to low-income children from ages 3 to 9. Using data from a cohort of 1,539 program and comparison-group children born in 1980 who participate in the Chicago Longitudinal Study, measures of program participation were significantly associated with greater school achievement, higher rates of high school completion, and with significantly lower rates of remedial education services, juvenile delinquency, and child maltreatment. Economic analyses indicated that the measured and projected economic benefits of preschool participation, school-age participation, and extended program participation exceeded costs. In present-value 1998 dollars, the preschool program provided a return to society of $7.14 per dollar invested by increasing economic well-being and tax revenues, and by reducing public expenditures for remedial education, criminal justice treatment, and crime victims. The extended intervention program (4 to 6 years of participation) provided a return to society of $6.11 per dollar invested while the school-age program yielded a return of $1.66 per dollar invested. Findings demonstrate that an established public program can provide benefits that far exceed costs. Key elements of CPC program effectiveness include an instructional focus on literacy, opportunities for intensive parent involvement, and implementation by well-trained staff within a single administrative system.

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mentioning

confidence: 62%

Age 21 Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Title I Chicago Child-Parent Centers

Reynolds¹,

Temple

Robertson³

et al. 2002

Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis

275

242

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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“…Children participating in the preschool plus follow-on services were found to have higher academic achievement when compared with children receiving only the preschool or follow-on programs (Conrad & Eash, 1983). Extended program participation (4 or more years of services) was associated with lower rates of school remedial services and delinquency infractions (Reynolds et al, 2001).…”

Section: Review Of Pk-3 Programs (Extended Early Childhood Programs)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Preschool-to-third grade programs and practices: A review of research

Reynolds

Magnuson

2010

Children and Youth Services Review

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The preschool-to-third grade perspective has helped the early childhood field move away from a reliance on relatively brief or one-shot programs toward more systematic and comprehensive models that span most of children’s first decade. We review the knowledge base on the effectiveness of preschool to third grade intervention programs and practices for young children making the transition to school. Our coverage includes extended early childhood interventions, preschool programs, full-day kindergarten, reduced class sizes in the early grades, parent involvement, instructional practices, and school transitions (mobility). We distinguish between two major PK-3 strategies. PK-3 programs are planned interventions that begin during any of the five years of a child’s life before kindergarten and which continue up to third grade. The most comprehensive programs include all these elements, and serve children from low-income families or who have special needs. Alternatively, PK-3 practices are defined as specific elements or components of extended early childhood programs that are hypothesized to be associated with children’s outcomes. These elements may include preschool education, full-day kindergarten, reduced class sizes, teaching practices, and parent involvement activities. Overall, we find growing evidence for the positive effects of PK-3 programs and practices. The strongest evidence supporting enduring effects into adulthood is from center-based preschool programs followed by small classes in the early grades. Additional longitudinal studies are needed into adulthood to fully document the effects of different PK-3 programs and to verify the extent to which PK-3 practices (e.g., parent involvement, school mobility) have long-term effects into adulthood.

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“…Un-like most other early childhood programs, the CPC program provides up to 6 years of continuous intervention. It emphasizes three major features: the provision of comprehensive services, parental involvement in school, and a child-centered focus on reading/literacy skills (for implementation history, see Chicago Public Schools, 1985Schools, , 1987Conrad & Eash, 1983;and Reynolds, 1994).…”

Section: Child-parent Center and Expansion Programmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Nevertheless, the instructional objectives were similar between program and comparison groups in that language arts (especially reading comprehension) were emphasized, as well as mathematics, social studies, science, art, and music as specified in the Chicago comprehensive reading program guide. Overall, the CPC primary grade program provides a variety of educational resources to help children make a successful transition from kindergarten (see Conrad & Eash, 1983;Reynolds, 1994).…”

Section: Child-parent Center and Expansion Programmentioning

confidence: 99%

Extended Early Childhood Intervention and School Achievement: Age Thirteen Findings from the Chicago Longitudinal Study

1998

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We evaluated the effects of participation in an extended program of compensatory education for 559 low-income, inner-city African American children up to seventh grade. The intervention is the federal and state-funded Chicago Child-Parent Center and Expansion Program, which began in 1967. Groups included 426 children who participated in the program from preschool to grades 2 or 3 and 133 children whose participation ceased in kindergarten. After taking into account initial differences in achievement at kindergarten entry and at the end of kindergarten, and after taking into account sample selection bias, program participation for 2 or 3 years after preschool and kindergarten was associated with significantly higher reading achievement up to seventh grade and with lower rates of cumulative grade retention and special education placement (4 to 5 years postprogram). Children participating in the follow-on program for 3 years had significantly higher reading achievement in seventh grade and a lower rate of grade retention than 3 year participants. Only 3 year participants had significantly higher math achievement than the comparison group. Study findings provide rare longitudinal evidence of the beneficial effects of a large-scale community-based program of extended early childhood intervention.

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Measuring Implementation and Multiple Outcomes in a Child Parent Center Compensatory Education Program

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

Age 21 Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Title I Chicago Child-Parent Centers

Age 21 Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Title I Chicago Child-Parent Centers

Preschool-to-third grade programs and practices: A review of research

Extended Early Childhood Intervention and School Achievement: Age Thirteen Findings from the Chicago Longitudinal Study

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