Abstract:A catalogue and exploration of measures at the intersection of virtues and character strengths (VCS) and the psychology of religion/spirituality (R/S) can inform theoretically interesting and practically valuable questions involving the VCS–R/S relationship. We review a select group of measures in the psychology of R/S through the lens of positive psychology’s six core virtues (wisdom/knowledge, courage, humanity, justice, temperance, and transcendence) and 24 character strengths, as articulated by Peterson an… Show more
“…In conclusion, maintaining rigor in the scientific study of religion is difficult due to the abstract nature of religious beliefs (Gorsuch, 1984; Hill, 2013). Although variables of religiousness have measurable phenomena, psychologists who study religion have the difficult charge of defining constructs that hinge on belief in the unseen and supernatural.…”
In popular culture, converts are thought to be more zealous than those brought up in the same religion (i.e., nonconverts). This is particularly relevant in the context of Islam in Western countries, where outsiders sometimes view conversion to Islam as a harbinger of religious violence rather than a legitimate expression of a search for meaning and truth. However, there is insufficient empirical evidence to suggest that converts believe more strongly and nonconverts. To bridge this gap, this study compares Islamic religiousness, as measured by the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR; Abu-Raiya et al., 2008), between convert and nonconvert US Muslims. Results demonstrate that converts believe in Islamic tenets less strongly and struggle more with the Islamic faith than nonconverts. This finding calls the conventional wisdom that converts are more zealous than other believers into question.
“…In conclusion, maintaining rigor in the scientific study of religion is difficult due to the abstract nature of religious beliefs (Gorsuch, 1984; Hill, 2013). Although variables of religiousness have measurable phenomena, psychologists who study religion have the difficult charge of defining constructs that hinge on belief in the unseen and supernatural.…”
In popular culture, converts are thought to be more zealous than those brought up in the same religion (i.e., nonconverts). This is particularly relevant in the context of Islam in Western countries, where outsiders sometimes view conversion to Islam as a harbinger of religious violence rather than a legitimate expression of a search for meaning and truth. However, there is insufficient empirical evidence to suggest that converts believe more strongly and nonconverts. To bridge this gap, this study compares Islamic religiousness, as measured by the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR; Abu-Raiya et al., 2008), between convert and nonconvert US Muslims. Results demonstrate that converts believe in Islamic tenets less strongly and struggle more with the Islamic faith than nonconverts. This finding calls the conventional wisdom that converts are more zealous than other believers into question.
“…However, thus far, researchers in the psychology literature have paid little attention to the role that gratitude to God (GTG) plays in the mental and spiritual health of Christian adults, despite the fact that Christianity is the largest religion in the world, with over two billion followers worldwide (Pew Research Center, 2017), the majority of adults in the United States identify with the Christian tradition (Pew Research Center, 2015), and Christianity’s sacred text, the Bible, mentions gratitude, thankfulness, praise, contentment, and other related concepts quite frequently in the context of optimal living. Given the recent emphasis within the discipline of psychology on the foundational role that culture plays in making sense of human functioning, we believe an emic (i.e., “insider,” “bottom-up”) scale (Hill, 2013; Kim et al, 2006) is necessary to better understand the most salient ingredients and psychological and spiritual correlates of GTG. In the present study, we developed and empirically investigated an emic self-report measure to assess a distinctly Christian version of GTG, operationalized from within the Christian tradition, and briefly discussed future research and intervention applications.…”
Section: Gratitude In the Psychology Literature: Etic And Emic Approa...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…From our perspective, both etic (i.e., “outsider”) and emic (i.e., “insider”) approaches are needed to better understand GTG as a construct and intervention. The former emphasizes a “global,” and often secular, theoretical perspective across cultures and faith traditions in an effort to identify universal psychological processes, whereas the latter focuses on a “local” viewpoint, which is uniquely drawn from particular religious communities by building upon their own language, beliefs, practices, and sacred texts to elucidate psychological knowledge (Hill, 2013; Kim et al, 2006; Pankalla & Kosnik, 2018; Zinnbauer & Pargament, 2005).…”
Section: Gratitude In the Psychology Literature: Etic And Emic Approa...mentioning
In the present study, we aimed to develop and empirically investigate a short, emic selfreport measure to assess gratitude to God (GTG) among Christian populations, operationalized from within the Christian tradition. Employing two subsamples from an online sample of Christian adults (N = 584), we performed exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses to establish factorial validity, then conducted analyses to establish internal consistency reliability and convergent and incremental validity. Results revealed the final 6-item Christian Gratitude Scale (CGS) demonstrated factorial validity, had adequate internal consistency reliability, and was strongly correlated (positive) with general gratitude and mental well-being, weakly correlated (negative) with anxious God attachment, and strongly correlated (negative) with avoidant God attachment. The emic CGS also predicted mental well-being after controlling for the effects of an etic general gratitude scale. To conclude, we discussed the use of the emic scale in future research and intervention contexts, along with study limitations.
“…Although the data for Study 1 was collected from a large, nationally representative data set, its use of single-item measures leaves uncertainty regarding measurement reliability and may be insufficient to capture the breadth of the constructs (Hill, 2005). In Study 2, we use validated scales to measure the relevant variables; in addition to using fuller measures of spirituality, religiosity, and dispositional (trait) awe, we measure the additional religious-oriented variables that were discussed in the introduction (i.e., individual-communal religious behaviors and quest orientation).…”
Although the emotional experience of awe is linked both historically and empirically to religious feelings and behavior, there is reason to posit that awe relates to certain aspects of religious psychology more strongly than others. For instance, awe is linked to increased communal orientations, and awe prompts people to seek out new and diverse experiences. These characteristics appear more compatible with expressions similar to spirituality and communal religious motivations, rather than to religiosity or solitary religious pursuits. The aim of the present research was to examine the relative strength of the association between awe and various religious constructs. Both Study 1 and Study 2 showed that dispositional awe was more strongly related to spirituality than religiosity. However, the findings from Study 2 also indicate that both spirituality and religiosity are equally significant predictors of state awe. Study 2 results also suggest communal religious motives are more strongly related to dispositional and state awe than individual religious motivations.
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