Abstract:Donald Trump won the American presidency in 2016 by overperforming expectations in upper Midwest states, surprising even Republican political elites. We argue that attitudes toward social change were an underappreciated dividing line between supporters of Trump and Hillary Clinton as well as between Republicans at the mass and elite levels. We introduce a concept and measure of aversion to (or acceptance of) social diversification and value change, assess the prevalence of these attitudes in the mass public an… Show more
“…Experiencing positive emotions about the other party’s candidate inherently crosses group boundaries, creating an internal conflict that would necessitate reevaluating intergroup comparisons. For example, many voters in the Midwest who had traditionally voted for Democrats found Trump’s message about resisting social change appealing (see Grossmann & Thaler, 2018). This enthusiasm for Trump likely activated consideration about how and why the Democratic Party had not been meeting their needs.…”
In the context of an increasingly divided populace, this article considered how the emotions (enthusiasm and anxiety) partisans feel toward U.S. presidential candidates may heighten or diminish affective polarization. In Study 1 (American National Election Studies [ANES] 2008–2009 panel data), we found that enthusiasm for the in-group candidate and anxiety about the out-group candidate were related to higher levels of affective polarization, whereas enthusiasm for the out-group candidate was related to lower levels of affective polarization. In Study 2 (2016 panel data), we found that in-group enthusiasm was related to higher levels of affective polarization and out-group enthusiasm was related to lower levels of affective polarization, but neither in-group nor out-group anxiety was significantly related to affective polarization. These findings highlight that enthusiasm about out-group candidates may have a unique ability to disrupt affective polarization and that it is important to consider the source of an emotion response, not just the type of emotion.
“…Experiencing positive emotions about the other party’s candidate inherently crosses group boundaries, creating an internal conflict that would necessitate reevaluating intergroup comparisons. For example, many voters in the Midwest who had traditionally voted for Democrats found Trump’s message about resisting social change appealing (see Grossmann & Thaler, 2018). This enthusiasm for Trump likely activated consideration about how and why the Democratic Party had not been meeting their needs.…”
In the context of an increasingly divided populace, this article considered how the emotions (enthusiasm and anxiety) partisans feel toward U.S. presidential candidates may heighten or diminish affective polarization. In Study 1 (American National Election Studies [ANES] 2008–2009 panel data), we found that enthusiasm for the in-group candidate and anxiety about the out-group candidate were related to higher levels of affective polarization, whereas enthusiasm for the out-group candidate was related to lower levels of affective polarization. In Study 2 (2016 panel data), we found that in-group enthusiasm was related to higher levels of affective polarization and out-group enthusiasm was related to lower levels of affective polarization, but neither in-group nor out-group anxiety was significantly related to affective polarization. These findings highlight that enthusiasm about out-group candidates may have a unique ability to disrupt affective polarization and that it is important to consider the source of an emotion response, not just the type of emotion.
“…Despite this, researchers suggest that Trump was viewed as more prototypical by party loyalists (embodying the values of the Republican Party) in comparison to the view of Clinton by Democrats (Christian et al., 2018). Grossmann and Thaler (2018) reflected that many of the same factors that matter in every election explained the 2016 vote choice (over 90% of party loyalists supporting their party’s candidates). The rhetoric used by Trump in appealing to supporters emphasized a return to an earlier era and building economic greatness “… when America was less diverse and (thought to be) more proudly patriotic, criticizing immigration and global openness” (Grossmann and Thaler, 2018: 754).…”
Section: The 2016 Election Context and Theoretical Backgroundmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Grossmann and Thaler (2018) reflected that many of the same factors that matter in every election explained the 2016 vote choice (over 90% of party loyalists supporting their party’s candidates). The rhetoric used by Trump in appealing to supporters emphasized a return to an earlier era and building economic greatness “… when America was less diverse and (thought to be) more proudly patriotic, criticizing immigration and global openness” (Grossmann and Thaler, 2018: 754). Evaluations of Trump’s leadership and performance post-inauguration are likely to be areas of great interest given earlier assessments of his traits and leadership potential (Williams et al., 2018).…”
Section: The 2016 Election Context and Theoretical Backgroundmentioning
The current study examines the effects of perceptions of leader adaptive and maladaptive narcissism on ratings of charisma and presidential leadership performance for Donald Trump by registered voters. We present a model examining differing dimensions of narcissism, and their effects on attributed charisma and perceptions of leadership performance for Donald Trump. Structural equation modeling results reveal positive effects of adaptive narcissism on attributed charisma and leadership performance of Donald Trump; and negative effects of maladaptive narcissism on attributed charisma and leadership performance of Donald Trump. Perceived adaptive and maladaptive narcissism had indirect effects on leadership performance (through attributed charisma). The contributions made to the literature, implications of the findings, and directions for future research are discussed.
“…Economics Monnat (N.d.) Economics Weinhold (2018) Economics Goetz et al (2018) Economics Political Science Green and McElwee (2019) Political Science Grossmann and Thaler (2018) Political Science Schaffner, MacWilliams and Nteta (2017) Political Science Lewis-Beck and Quinlan (2019) Political Science Sances (2019) Political Science Reny, Collingwood and Valenzuela (2019) Political Science Bunyasi (2019) Political Science Mutz (2018) Political Science Enns, Lagodny and Schuldt (2017) Political Science Appendix References…”
To interpret elections, social scientists and media pundits often ask: how much did particular groups, or voting blocs, contribute to a candidate’s vote total? Analysts often answer this question by regressing vote choice on voters’ attributes, interpreting changes in coefficient magnitude across elections as shifts in support. We show, how- ever, that this analysis fails to take into account the prevalence of the group in the electorate and the rate that group turns out to vote — yielding quantities that are not directly useful for understanding election outcomes. To avoid this base-rate fallacy, we introduce a set of tools for estimating where candidates received votes and how voting bloc patterns differ from prior elections. We apply these tools to study US elections, demonstrating that there is little evidence that Black and Hispanic voters shifted to Republicans in the 2020 election and that Donald Trump’s support was concentrated among voters with moderate attitudes towards racial outgroups.
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