Marginalisation of the Waata Oromo Hunter-Gatherers of Kenya: Insider and Outsider Perspectives

Kassam, Aneesa; Bashuna, Ali Balla

doi:10.2307/3556930

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…For example, it appears that hunter-gatherers of the Philippines did not move into the tropical forest until they had established a symbiotic relationship with cultivators, trading wild produce with local farmers and overseas traders (Bailey et al 1989;Headland and Reid 1989;Junker 1996: 390). Pastoralists in particular benefi t from exchange links with groups practicing other forms of production, including farmers and/or foragers (Kassam and Bashuna 2004). Under particularly diffi cult conditions, pastoralists in Africa have been observed to join hunter-gatherers, with subsequent generations returning to pastoralism (Hodder 1982: 97-98;Kassam and Bashuna 2004: 204).…”

Section: Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship, Marriage, and the Genetics of Past Human Dispersals

2009

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The extent to which colonizing farmer populations have overwhelmed or "replaced" indigenous forager populations, as opposed to having intermarried with them, has been widely debated. Indigenous-colonist "admixture" is often represented in genetic models as a single parameter that, although parsimonious and simple, is incongruous with the sex-specifi c nature of mtDNA and Y-chromosome data. To help interpret genetic patterns, we can construct useful null hypotheses about the generalized migration history of females (mtDNA) as opposed to males (Y chromosome), which differ signifi cantly in almost every ethnographically known society. We seek to integrate ethnographic knowledge into models that incorporate new social parameters for predicting geographic patterns in mtDNA and Y-chromosome distributions. We provide an example of a model simulation for the spread of agriculture in which this individual-scale evidence is used to refine the parameters. Abstract The extent to which colonizing farmer populations have overwhelmed or "replaced" indigenous forager populations, as opposed to having intermarried with them, has been widely debated. Indigenous-colonist "admixture" is often represented in genetic models as a single parameter that, although parsimonious and simple, is incongruous with the sex-specifi c nature of mtDNA and Y-chromosome data. To help interpret genetic patterns, we can construct useful null hypotheses about the generalized migration history of females (mtDNA) as opposed to males (Y chromosome), which differ significantly in almost every ethnographically known society. We seek to integrate ethnographic knowledge into models that incorporate new social parameters for predicting geographic patterns in mtDNA and Y-chromosome distributions.We provide an example of a model simulation for the spread of agriculture in which this individual-scale evidence is used to refi ne the parameters.Understanding the processes through which populations grow and disperse is crucial to the study of human history and diversity and forms a major topic in anthropology and other related disciplines. A key problem is determining the extent to which colonizing populations (e.g., modern humans, Neolithic farmers, European colonists) overwhelmed or "replaced" native populations (e.g., Neanderthals, hunter-gatherers, non-European indigenous societies), as opposed to having integrated into or intermarried with them. These issues have been debated by numerous researchers in a variety of different historical and regional contexts, but no consensus has yet been reached about whether or not it is possible to discern any general patterns. Here, we aim to contribute to a more sophisticated understanding of human migratory activity by integrating data drawn from several disciplines, namely, archaeology, ethnography, and human genetics. Our critique focuses on the highly infl uential wave of advance model of human dispersals, as fi rst developed by Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza (1984). We argue that this model is not equipped to con...

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Section: Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship, Marriage, and the Genetics of Past Human Dispersals

2009

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“…The Borana custom of inheritance does not allow a woman to inherit common marital property unless she has given birth to a son (see Flintan: 163). The Borana consider Wata people outcasts and deny any meaningful access to land, herding, and other civic relations with mainstream Borana way of life even though they speak the same language and reside among the Borana (see Kassam and Bushana ).…”

Section: Gaps Tensions and Disconnectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rural Land Registration in Ethiopia: Myths and Realities

Ayano¹

2018

Law Soc Rev

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Rural land registration has frequently been recommended as a step forward for developing countries. Registration is conceived not only as a means of clarifying property rights and promoting land markets, but also as a way to protect the rights of women and other vulnerable groups and prevent environmental degradation. This package of advantages was once associated with the land rights of individuals. However, more recently, customary interests have been recognized as important for social peace and as serving local conceptions of justice. In recognition of these objectives, Ethiopia and some other countries of sub‐Saharan Africa have formally recognized what are often called “customary land rights.” Ethiopia is cited as a model of this approach in a multicultural setting. This paper shows, however, that serious problems associated with rural land registration have not disappeared. Fieldwork evidence from parts of Ethiopia suggests that customary property interests often go unrecognized. It also shows that the bargaining power of smallholder farmers who rent land to commercial farmers is being reduced. Simultaneously, there is an evident shift in decision‐making power from households and communities to the state and officials. The complexity of these matters in practice raises questions about the interpretation of Ethiopian land policy.

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“…Wright 2005) and therefore of the cities and towns as well. Treatments that divorce the "coast" from inland Africa and sever the Swahili from both contemporaneous non-Muslim communities on the coast, whose descendants still call it their home (Allen 1993;Brantley 1981;Kassam and Bashuna 2004;J. McIntosh 2004J.…”

Section: Mesmerized By the Seamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Innovations in hunting, including the use of poison by specialized hunters-ancestors of contemporary Waata, Dahalo, Degere, and other coastal foragers-points to an increased demand for ivory at the coast (Kassam and Bashuna 2004;Stiles 1981;Tosco 1992;Walsh 1990). During this time, inland goods from Tsavo were traded to the coast and included cut ivory, bloomery iron, unworked ostrich eggshells, ghee, hides, honey, and beeswax (C. Kusimba, S. Kusimba, and Wright 2005;Thorbahn 1979).…”

Section: [Table 1 About Here]mentioning

confidence: 99%

When Did the Swahili Become Maritime?: A Reply to Fleisher et al. (2015), and to the Resurgence of Maritime Myopia in the Archaeology of the East African Coast

Kusimba

Walz

2018

American Anthropologist

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In this article, we respond to an article by Jeffrey Fleisher et al. (2015) in which they pose the question: When did the Swahili become maritime? We draw from our research findings in coastal and inland Eastern Africa to show that inland African societies were an essential component in the development of Swahili urbanism and maritimity. To understand change in any part of the East African coast requires understanding the entire context of economic, political, and social interaction across the diverse dimensions of this society. By excluding inland Eastern Africa from their analysis, Fleisher et al. omit the interactions between land and sea that were the basis of this society's development. We conclude that Swahili society resulted from intercommunity interaction, socioeconomic networks, and exploitation of diverse regional resources. [trade, maritime, mosaics, urbanism, Swahili] RESUMEN En este artículo, respondemos al escrito de Jeffrey Fleischer et al. (2015) en el cual hacen la pregunta: ¿Cuándo los swahilis se convirtieron en una sociedad marítima? Nos basamos en los hallazgos de nuestra investigación en África oriental costera e interior para mostrar que las sociedades africanas del interior fueron un componente esencial en el desarrollo del urbanismo y la maritimidad swahili. Entender los cambios en cualquier parte de la costa africana oriental requiere entender el contexto entero de las interacciones económicas, políticas y sociales a través de las diversas dimensiones de esta sociedad. Al excluir África oriental interior de su análisis, Fleisher et al. omiten las interacciones entre el mar y la tierra que fueron la base del desarrollo de esta sociedad. Concluimos que la sociedad swahili resultó de la interacción intercomunitaria, las redes

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Marginalisation of the Waata Oromo Hunter-Gatherers of Kenya: Insider and Outsider Perspectives

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Kinship, Marriage, and the Genetics of Past Human Dispersals

Kinship, Marriage, and the Genetics of Past Human Dispersals

Rural Land Registration in Ethiopia: Myths and Realities

When Did the Swahili Become Maritime?: A Reply to Fleisher et al. (2015), and to the Resurgence of Maritime Myopia in the Archaeology of the East African Coast

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