2008
DOI: 10.1080/13604810802478920
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Mapping the Olympic growth machine

Abstract: Theories of growth machines and urban regimes have informed the study of urban political

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Cited by 72 publications
(22 citation statements)
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References 28 publications
(24 reference statements)
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“…The impact with which I am concerned is, rather, the politics of defining the parameters of urban development intervention in the first place. Specific elements of bids may or may not be realized in the long term, but they are effective in creating path dependencies in urban politics: First, bidders construct interurban coalitions along the way (Cook & Ward, 2011;González, 2011;Surborg, VanWynsberghe, & Wyly, 2008), often mobilizing them for future Olympic and non-Olympic mega-project planning. In fact individual bids for a mega-event are relatively rare: strategic planning is typically a long-term project involving multiple bids for multiple types of events, allowing planning coalitions to construct parts of broader urban strategies along the way (Lauermann, 2014b).…”
Section: Bids As Strategic Claimsmakingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The impact with which I am concerned is, rather, the politics of defining the parameters of urban development intervention in the first place. Specific elements of bids may or may not be realized in the long term, but they are effective in creating path dependencies in urban politics: First, bidders construct interurban coalitions along the way (Cook & Ward, 2011;González, 2011;Surborg, VanWynsberghe, & Wyly, 2008), often mobilizing them for future Olympic and non-Olympic mega-project planning. In fact individual bids for a mega-event are relatively rare: strategic planning is typically a long-term project involving multiple bids for multiple types of events, allowing planning coalitions to construct parts of broader urban strategies along the way (Lauermann, 2014b).…”
Section: Bids As Strategic Claimsmakingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Boston bid project ultimately failed in response to these shifting urban political conditions, making it a compelling illustration of the potential impact of these trends. As in a number of cities which recently cancelled their bids, this form of politics disrupts conventional narratives about Olympic urban politics-in which local elites are able "to push policies they wouldn't dream of during normal political times" (Boykoff, 2014b, p. 3) (see also Andranovich, Burbank, & Heying, 2001;Cochrane, Peck, & Tickell, 1996;Eick, 2010;Hall, 2006;Hiller, 2000a;Surborg, VanWynsberghe, & Wyly, 2008;Van Wynsberghe, Surborg, & Wyly, 2013).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 95%
“…The internationalization of this entrepreneurialism is well documented: some commentators signal to the top-down ability of global sports federations like the IOC and FIFA to expand into emerging markets (Eick, 2010;Wamsley, 2002); while others highlight geopolitical (Black and Peacock, 2011;Dawson, 2011) or commercial (Hall, 2006;Hiller, 2000;Surborg et al, 2008) aspirations on the part of local organizers who use megaevents planning as a means to an end with little interest in franchise holders' objectives. My analysis adds to the conversation by documenting how megaevents bidding signals to the type of strategic policy making which defines the messy landscape of contemporary urban entrepreneurialism: competition by selectively transnationalized policy making (Smith et al, 2014;Surborg et al, 2008) that relies on mobile assemblages of experts and expertise (McCann, 2013;McCann and Ward, 2011). It is characterized by globally oriented municipal governments (Acuto, 2013;Gonzalez, 2011) and new geographies of legitimacy and expertise which draw on a geographically diverse group of stakeholders, including those based in the Global South (McFarlane, 2012;Roy and Ong, 2011).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 96%